On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

No statement

On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

No statement

On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

No statement

On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

No statement

On 25 March 2020, an attack was carried out on worshippers at a Sikh-Hindu temple in Kabul, Kabul Province. The attack killed 26 civilians and injured 11 more.

No statement

On 25 March 2020, an attack was carried out on worshippers at a Sikh-Hindu temple in Kabul, Kabul Province. The attack killed 26 civilians and injured 11 more.

No statement

On 25 March 2020, an attack was carried out on worshippers at a Sikh-Hindu temple in Kabul, Kabul Province. The attack killed 26 civilians and injured 11 more.

No statement

On 25 March 2020, an attack was carried out on worshippers at a Sikh-Hindu temple in Kabul, Kabul Province. The attack killed 26 civilians and injured 11 more.

No statement

On 25 March 2020, an attack was carried out on worshippers at a Sikh-Hindu temple in Kabul, Kabul Province. The attack killed 26 civilians and injured 11 more.

No statement

On 25 March 2020, an attack was carried out on worshippers at a Sikh-Hindu temple in Kabul, Kabul Province. The attack killed 26 civilians and injured 11 more.

No statement

On 25 March 2020, an attack was carried out on worshippers at a Sikh-Hindu temple in Kabul, Kabul Province. The attack killed 26 civilians and injured 11 more.

No statement

On 25 March 2020, an attack was carried out on worshippers at a Sikh-Hindu temple in Kabul, Kabul Province. The attack killed 26 civilians and injured 11 more.

No statement

On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

No statement

On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

No statement

On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

No statement

On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

No statement

On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

No statement

On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

No statement

On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

No statement

On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

No statement

On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

No statement

Bismellah Adel Imaq, the manager of Sade Gho Radio, was assassinated on 1 January 2021 by unknown armed men in the Barahkhane area in the west of Firuzkoh City, the capital of Ghor Province.

No statements

In 2007, while traveling from Herat to Kandahar, Amir Mohammad Ansari Baloch was captured by the Taliban and held for ransom. In 2008, despite the Taliban's promise to release him after receiving the ransom money, they killed him.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

وقتی از او یاد می‌کنند، روز روشن سرم تاریک می‌شود

راوی: محمدگل بلوچ (برادر قربانی)

قربانی: غلام‌رضا

زمان حادثه: ماه قوس سال ۱۳۹۷

مکان حادثه: در مسیر هلمند، منطقه گرشک، ولسوالی کجران ولایت دایکندی

من محمدگل از قوم بلوچ هستم. جای اصلی ما ولسوالی کجران ولایت دایکندی [است] و از قریه قلای لَش [هستم.] اسم شهید ما غلام‌‌رضا [است] و برادرم [می‌شود.] سالش؟ در تذکره‌اش، در همین وقتی که شهید شدند فقط به همین برج پنجم [بود] که این ششم برج است. شش ماه می‌شود که شهید شده‌اند. در ذهن مه نیست که در تذکریش چنده که از پیش خود من بگویم که ۴۵ ساله یه، در ذهن من نیه. تذکره‌اش همرایم هست. این‌ها که از اینجا می‌رفت، شش نفر زیر موتر شدند. از همان ولسوالی کجران بودند، جنگ بود و آمدیم ولایت هرات. نزدیک هفت هشت سال می‌شود. باز این‌ها از همین قوما-این‌طوری نیست که فامیلی نزدیک باشد- از همان قوم بلوچ بودند، سه نفر از همین قریه به همراه سه تای دیگه از مردم قندهار بود، همراه شده بود می‌رفت طرف منطقه، بالای زمین کشاورزی خود که ببیند چه هست. این‌ها به منطقه کجران می‌رفت، بلی آه. باز همین بود که در منطقه «خرخورده» این‌ها را مین بالا می‌کند. دیگه همین سه تای ما که مین بالا کرد، وقتی که ما خبر شدیم، خودم رفتم دیگه قوما هم آمده بود. دیگه در تشییع جنازه شاو ده نل (شاید منظورش شبانه است) خوده رساندم، روز که حرکت کردم شب رسیدم.

از منطقه خواهرزاده‌ام زنگ زد برایم. آن‌ها چون به کجران خیلی نزدیک‌اند. مین را طالبان گذاشته بودند، طالبان قتل کرد بخدا، منطقه کجران را قتل کرده، همین حالا منطقه جنگ است، ۲۴ ساعت جنگ است. روزی که کرزی صاحب سر تخت نشست، ۱۲ سال تاکنون سمت باغران و چارچینی حکومت نتوانسته. همین حالا جنگ روان است. دولت است، [در] همین منطقه کجران دولت است، او طرف هم طالب این طرف هم طالب. دیگه جنگ است، اردو هم است، اربکی هم است، پولیس هم است. از روزی که کرزی صاحب شیشته سنگر است، یعنی نمی‌تواند اصلا. اردو اگر نبودی همین اربکی اگر نبودی، پولیس محلی نباشه هر لحظه روی کجران جنگه. از روزی که غنی شده، نه پیش از او هم، زمان کرزی صاحب دوازده سال در باغران رفته نتوانسته. همین جنگ [است]، شب در منطقه مین گور کو، مین‌های کنترولی که هیچ مسلمان‌ها خبر ندارند. در سطح ولایت دایکندی از منطقه کجران بیش‌تر شهید نداده در افغانستان. گفتم که از فامیل خودم چهار تا شهید دادم. داماد ما شهید شده، باجه مه شهید که آن‌ها را من نیاوردم سیاه سرهایش هم آنجا هستند، که هرکدام چهار یا پنج یتیم دارند، در کجران هیچ خانوادۀ نیست که شهید نداده باشد. که چهار تا یتیم یکش دارد پنج تا هم دیگرش که یکی دامادم می‌شود دیگرش هم باجه‌ام می‌شود. منطقه کجران بی‌اعضای شهدا نیست.

امروز برای مردم خدمت می‌کنم و در هیچ مشکلات اشک مه نامده، مگر امروز که اینجا دیدم اشک‌هایم بالا آمد (گریه می‌کند) در طول عمر به قرآن اگر مشکلات سرم تأثیر کرده باشد، اما امروز عکس برادرم را دیدم اشکم جاری شد، داغ از دست دادن برادر خیلی سخت است(گریه می کند). برادرم ازدواج کرده بود، سه تا اولاد دارد که دو تا پسر است و یک تا دختر؛ اولادهایش یکی سن ۱۲ و دو تای دیگر پشت‌سر اوست، فرزند بزرگش پسر است، در همان‌جا متولد شده بود.

ما که رفتیم آن‌ها را به مسجد برده بودند. دیگه نمی‌شد، کالای آن‌ها همین پایین به بالا گوشت و خون بود. همین رواج ما است که شهید را هیچ چیز را از جانش نکشیم، با همان کالایش -مسجد خیلی خنک بود، همین تیرماه بود دیگه- ما هم رسیدیم قبر و تمام چیزها را جور کرده بود، فقط در همان مسجد داخل کفن با همان کالایش پیچ داده بود، فقط دیدارش را کردیم. از پایین به بالا دیگه خیلی صدمه دیده بود، نیاز به دیدن نبود، فقط رویش را دیدم.

برای ما که اطلاع آمد ساعت‌های یازده بجه بود، یازده صبح. برای ما از کجران زنگ زدند ساعت‌های یازده بود، که من آن را یادداشت گرفتم. اینش را نمی‌دانم که ساعت‌های ۱۰ بجه بوده مقصد ساعت یازده به ما خبر دادند که بیایید. طالبان می‌گویند ما نکرده‌ایم کس دیگر کرده، طالبان همان‌جا می‌روند و می‌آیند، موترها می‌رود و می‌آید. اگر چه تا حدی که بشناسند که ملکی است و بی‌غرض می‌باشند کاری با آن‌ها ندارند، اگر یک وقت بفهمد که برادر کسی پولیس یا اربکی است، او را می‌گیرند. چند تا که در همان وقت‌ها گرفته بود، از موتر تا کرده بود، یکی که برادرش را یوسف می‌گفت را پایین کرده بود، به یک گوشش فیر کرده و مرمی از گوش دیگرش بیرون شده بود و به او گفته بودند که چرا برادرت اربکی است.

در این شکل اگر شناسایی کنند که بشناسه که برادرش پولیس است یا اربکی یه یا مثلا چیزیه می‌کشند، اگر نشناسد بازهم غرض نداره. دیگه راهی [هم] نداره خو راه منطقه از همان‌جا است. برادرم کشاورز بود و برای کار رفته بود، زمین پدری همان‌جا است. مه خود مه نرفتم بیخی دل مه از همان منطقه سرد شده آن‌طور سرد شده که خدا می‌داند.

اگرچه که من بگویم زندگی خوبه، نه فقط شب و روز تیر می‌شه. وقتی که تو مهاجر باشی و اینجا بیایی و پول نداشته باشی، امروز در همان قریه که قریه نایبی می‌گه که همان‌جا یک‌نیم جریب زمین‌واری یه، کشاورزی یه، دیگه او تو چیزی نداره. مقصد یک روزگار میچله دیگه. خانمش بیچاره که من بگویم ماشین کار کرده باشد نه، یا گلدوزی کار کرده باشد نه، همین ماشین‌های ساده کار می‌کرد به منطقه، اینجا دیگه نه. پشم و این چیزها زن‌ها می‌آورند در قریه اما خوب معلومات ندارم. سه طفلش مکتب می‌رود، هرسه تایش به مکتب شیخ‌آباد می‌گه، همان‌جا می‌ره.

خواسته‌ام این است که خدایا مرگ زیر لحاف به مه نکنی، همان‌گونه که برادرم شهید شده، جام شهادت از خدا می‌خواهم. این آرزوی مه است در خاطره هم نوشته کردم. جام شهادت می‌خواهم که اصلا اگر خدا مره زیر لحاف می‌کند نکند، اگر مه بنده خاص تو ام، بگذار که جام شهادت را بنوشم، هرچه که شد. این آرزو را از خدا دارم.

بسیار یک اخلاق خاص داشت. همین اخلاق خاصش که بیادم می‌آید دلم آتش می‌گیرد(گریه راوی). به خاطر خوبی و مهربانی‌هایش دلم می‌سوزد، وقتی دوستانش نزد من غلام‌رضا می‌گویند و از او یاد می‌کنند، روز روشن سر من شب تاریک می‌شود، حالا از او چه بگویم، به آن‌ها نیز می‌گویم که او را نزد من یاد نکنید، قلبم آتش می‌گیرد، حالا که رفته نیست، اما غم‌هایش کمرم را شکسته است. جوان‌مرگی بسیار سخت است، ما سه برادر بودیم او برادر کوچکم بود، نزد ما بسیار نازدانه بود و او را بسیار دوست داشتیم، احترام مرا خیلی داشت، همۀ ما می‌میریم، ما هم پشت سر آن‌ها می‌رویم، لیکن همین داغی را که برای یکدیگر خود می‌گذاریم بسیار سخت است.

On August 17, 2019, a suicide bomber detonated explosives at the Shahr-e-Dubai wedding hall on Faiz Mohammad Kateb Road, also known as Charqala Road. The attack resulted in 63-93,(including 15 children) fatalities and 182 injuries. The wedding ceremony was predominantly attended by members of the Shia-Hazara community. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack, stating it targeted individuals they refer to as "Rafida," a term used by some extremist groups to denote those who do not follow Sunni Islam.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

In the morning, I wanted to find someone to go to hospital with so that we were not alone if any of us got injured on the way. When I left the house, I raised my hand. There was a house close to ours. Someone from the roof of it shot me. It was 7 AM. Another person was watching me from the front house. He told me to enter the house before I get shot again. I went. He tied my hand. He said, “Uncle, the bleeding does not stop.” In that moment, my blanket (men’s scarf) slipped down. A woman ran to take it. Just then, a rocket was fired and the poor woman was killed. A boy riding his bicycle was passing by. He was killed by a Kalashnikov bullet. He had no one to look after him.

Mechanic! The Bad Luck That I am Suffering from Happened to You Too

Name: Mohammad Hasan

Date of Birth: 2 April 1942

Date of Injury: 8 March 1994

Type of Arm: Kalashnikov

More than ten people were killed that night, my son included. We were digging a grave for my son. We were almost done when rockets started firing again. Everyone left and wished peace for my son. They said they didn't want to be killed. I was left alone. There was no one else. I wished my son was a kid so I could pick him up and put him in his grave.

I entered the alley and knocked on a door. There were many people in that house. They all refuged to a corner of the house. When I told them the story, some of them said they are no better than my son. They followed me to the mosque to take my son’s corpse to the cemetery. We buried my son in the dark.

After we were done, no one was left there. I was wondering how to go home. I returned home in the darkness. When I came home, I saw that my wife was sitting very sad with a neighbor next to her. She told me that Nilofar was wounded. None of us had seen her. A neighbor took her to the hospital. The neighbor told me that Nilofar was on the roof. When the rocket hit our house, our son was killed instantly and Nilofar was injured. She was jolting in the yard, and the neighbor took her to the hospital.

That night passed. In the morning, I wanted to find someone to go to the hospital with so that we were not alone if any of us were injured on the way. When I left the house, I raised my hand. There was a house close to ours. Someone from the roof of it shot me. It was 7 AM. Another person was watching me from the front house. He told me to enter the house before I get shot again. I went. He tied my hand. He said, “Uncle, the bleeding does not stop.” In that moment my blanket (men’s scarf) slipped down. A woman ran to take it. Just then, a rocket was fired and the poor woman was killed. A boy riding his bicycle was passing by. He was killed by a Kalashnikov bullet. He had no one to look after him.

Members of the house that I had entered told me that if the bleeding did not stop, it could kill me. He said to get up and go somewhere from the back way. I thanked him. My hand was bleeding. I stepped down the first and second stairs, but fell down the third stair and lost consciousness.

When I woke up, there were two boys next to me. The tied my hand with a piece of cloth and were giving me syrup. They told me, ”Uncle, there is fighting everywhere. We cannot find anything in the bazar. We will take you outside. You might find a car. Take yourself to a hospital.” After they took me outside, they ran back. I realized that no one was outside.

There were bullets being shot everywhere. I thought I was going to be killed. I wanted to enter an alley but I fell down. After some minutes, there was a bullet shot next to me. I tried to get up, but again my sight grew dim. Someone I knew very well was passing by. He was the District Chief of the 16th District. I told him, “Sir, help me to take myself to a hospital.” He replied, “You are about to die, and want me to get killed too.”

Just then, two young boys riding bicycles appeared. They got down and looked at me. One of them said, "There is someone killed." When I heard them told them that I am alive, helped me to get to the hospital. One of them said, "Leave him alone, we will be killed." But the other one said, “No, let’s help him. He has come out of his home and is injured.” One of them held me up to ride the bicycle.

I asked them, “Where are you taking me?” He said, “There is not a fight in the village. But in here, you can be killed by a bullet any time.” He tied the blanket around my shoulder and moved. A few steps further, I saw one of my friends. I was happy to see him. He was aware of what had happened to my family in the last two days and when he saw me, came toward me. I told the boys that he was a friend, and if it is possible leave me with him so that he helps me. The boys asked him, “Uncle, can you help him? We have to go and see how our families are.” He helped me and we entered a house.

There was food inside the house that we entered, plates were filled with rice and breads and were left untouched. When the fighting got intense, they house members had ran away without touching their food.

I asked him how he could help me. I told him that I had enough money with me, find a driver and give him as much as he wants. He left the house. After some minutes he returned and said there were no cars outside. I was wondering what to do. I gave him the address of a doctor I knew and asked him to tell the doctor that the mechanic is injured. Thankfully, he agreed and left. When he returned, he said that houses’ members have all left the house and the house was empty. He had no clue where they were.

Suddenly, I remembered a commander I knew. Almost a month ago, he lost three of his family members, his father and two of his brothers.

The person who was with me knew him too and told me that he had just seen him outside. I asked him to go out and tell the commander that mechanic is injured; he knows me.

After a few minutes, the commander came and told me, “The bad luck I am suffering from happened to you too.” I said, “Yeah, I lost my son and my three-year-old daughter is injured. I don’t know how my family is and they don’t know where I am.”

The commander called in his soldiers and they took me to a Russian Jeep. They took me to the Wazir Akbar Khan Hospital. I don’t remember anything after we got close to the hospital. I just remember that they put me on a blanket. There were three people wearing masks, one of them injected me with Anesthetic Ampoule, I was unconscious after that. When I woke up, my hand hurt. I looked around to see where I was. When I took a careful look, there were three more people on the ground and they were injured like me. We were all on the third floor and were lying on the ground so that we were safe from bullets. We were lying in the corridor. Many people were injured. I saw one of my relatives. He was injured too. I asked him to let my sister know that I am in the hospital. After three days, my sister could inform my wife about me. They had looked for me in all the nearby hospitals and could not find me.

Even now, my hand is numb. If it is wounded or burned, I don’t feel it. It took two months for my wound to get better. “Every night, I walk to my duty to find bread to feed my children, to be able to send them to school. We are a populated family.”

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

In the winter of 1979, Haji Abdul Ali was arrested by local police and intelligence officials affiliated with the Communist regime of the People's Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. The arrest was made under the charge of hanging guns at Haji Abdul Ali's home. The next day, the authorities returned and arrested six more men from the same family. All seven men were taken to Kabul, but they never returned. When they entered the house, they said, "Haji, what weapon do you have at home?" My father said, “Tow hunting guns, a big and small one. Both are hanging on the wall of the house." The officers took the guns and said, "Haji, we will take you to the police station and then we will return you early morning." They took my father that night and we waited until morning for him to return, but he did not return.

On the day of Eid, all the family members, relatives, and friends gathered together to celebrate Eid as we waited for my father's return. It was time for lunch when the armed men came to our house again. They did not bring my father. We were very worried. This time, they took 6 other members of my family with them: Qurban Ali (my uncle), Sultan Hussain (son of my father's uncle), Mohammad Hasan (grandson of my father's uncle), and Mohammad Nabi (son of my uncle), as well as Ghulam Abbas and Ali Ahmad (grandsons of my uncle).

Even If a Hundred Years Pass, You Will Not Be Forgotten

Narrator: Ali Shaheer

Victims: Haji Abdul Ali, son of Paiwand Ali (father), Haji Rajab Ali, son of Piwand Ali (elder uncle), Qurban Ali, son of Piwand Ali (younger uncle), Sultan Hussain (son of father's uncle) Mohammad Hasan (grandson of father's uncle)

Time of the incident: 1979

The place of the accident: Pol-e Charkhi Polygon, Kabul

I was a primary school student at that time. It was the night of Eid al-Adha, during the reign of Hafizullah Amin. I was not able to sleep that night because of the joy of Eid and wearing new clothes. Few families had TV at that time. We did not have a TV at home. But my uncle - who was living with his family in same house as us - whose young son owned a houseware store, brought a black and white TV for Eid nights. Their house was separated from our house by a partition. On Eid night, we went to my uncle's room to watch TV. That night, on the occasion of Eid, a movie called "Nawi da yaw Oshpe" (Bride for One Night), in Pashto language, was broadcast on TV.

At the insistence of my uncle and my uncle’s son, my father sat next to us and we watched the movie together, although he was not interested in watching TV or movies. My father knew Pashto and understood the story of the movie well. He was impressed by the scenes of kindness and chivalry in the movie and watched the movie till the end. That night, my siblings and I were eagerly waiting for the movie to end and for my father to henna our hands. After the movie, my father hennaed our hands.

It was late at night and my father was about to sleep when someone knocked on our door. At the same time as the door was knocked on, someone shouted loudly, "Who is Haji Abdul Ali? Come out of your room and open the gate." Some armed people were surrounding the gate. The voice shouted two or three times and wanted my father. Annoyed by their screams in the middle of the night, my father told them, “Keep your voices down. What's going on in the middle of the night? So much screaming! You know that everyone is sleeping! I am Abdul Ali. Now I will open the gate. What do you want me to do?"

When they entered the house, they said, "Haji, what weapon do you have at home?" My father said, “Tow hunting guns, a big and small one." Both are hanging on the wall of the house." The officers took the guns and said, "Haji, we will take you to the police station and then we will return you early morning." They took my father that night and we waited until morning for him to return, but he did not return that night.

On the day of Eid, all the family members, relatives, and friends gathered together to celebrate Eid as we waited for my father's return. It was time for lunch when the armed men came to our house again. They did not bring my father. We were very worried. This time, they took 6 other members of my family with them: Qurban Ali (my uncle), Sultan Hussain (son of my father's uncle), Mohammad Hasan (grandson of my father's uncle), and Mohammad Nabi (son of my uncle), as well as Ghulam Abbas and Ali Ahmad (grandsons of my uncle).

Fear and worry filled the atmosphere of the house. In the evening of the same day, Haji Rajab Ali, my elder uncle who was older than my father, came to our house and comforted us and said, "Don't worry, by God's hope, they will all come back. Don't worry as long as I am there." He said to my mother, "I will come tomorrow first thing in the morning. I will bring whatever food and other basic necessities you lack at home." It was as if he sensed that my father would not return soon. But the next day, my elder uncle did not come. He was also taken from his house in Chindawol that night.

The nights and days of Eid passed as we waited for my father and uncles to return. During the time of Babrak Karmal's leadership, Muhammad Nabi, Ali Ahmad, and Ghulam Abbas were released in general amnesty. But the others never came back. My brothers, sisters, and my uncle's children and I were nine in total, all small children a year apart in age. We used to ask our mothers every day why my father and uncles didn't come back. In the same way, my elder uncle had two children, a boy and a girl the same age as us. My youngest uncle, who was taken away, still had no children.

Our mothers waited that night, bitter days, and long years for their husbands. They shed tears and prayed for their return until they were old and their hair turned white. This wait lasted 35 years. When the Polygon victim list was released, we found the names of five of our family members on it. The wait was over and our hope had collapsed. All the family members were crying.

One day, we went with a number of friends and one of my uncle's sons to the hill of Polygon’s victims in Pul-e Charkhi. When I was walking on the soil of Polygon, I was busy with the question of what my father and uncles said to each other in those heavy moments before death and what their last words to each other were.

After we learned what had happened to my father and uncles, we honored them, their memories, and other victims by organizing a program with a title written in bold: "Even If a Hundred Years Pass, You Will Not Be Forgotten."

On August 7, 1998, following renewed conflict with the Northern Front, Taliban forces entered Mazar-e-Sharif in Balkh Province. In the initial days, they detained and executed thousands of civilians, primarily Hazaras. Taliban forces declared a general massacre, targeting the city's Shia population. According to witnesses, the scale of the violence left bodies strewn across the streets, requiring days for the bodies to be removed to undisclosed locations.

On June 3, 2011, while travelling towards Bamiyan from Kabul, Jawad Zohak was captured by the Taliban in the Sia Gard area in Ghorband District. He had just participated in a conference in Herat which was for all Provincial Council chairs. He was killed on June 7, 2011, after five days in captivity.

Bamiyan Exists in the Government’s Blind Eye

Mohammad Zohak, as explained in the beginning of his speech, has graduated as a sociology major from Bamiyan University. He is a calm man. While talking, he speaks in a calm manner and explains the incident in all its details from memory. He has profound respect for his uncle, Jawad Zohak, and therefore, uses honorific words such as “Eishan” and “Raees Sahib” constantly while talking about him. To avoid repetition, we have omitted these words from the text below, except in few instances. At the time of the incident, all responsibilities fell on Mohammad Zohak's shoulders. Consequently, he has experienced a difficult time. He mentions those incidents and happenings in his life with confidence.

Narrator: Mohammad Zohak (victim’s nephew)

Victim: Jawad Zohak

Date of incident: June 7, 2011

Place of incident: Pul Rangan, Ghorband Valley, Parwan Province

My name is Mohammad and my surname is Zohak. I have a bachelors degree in social sciences and have graduated from Bamiyan University’s sociology major. I was born in Qufqool Village, Yakaolang District of Bamiyan Province. I am married with one child. I am the nephew of martyr Jawad Zohak. When he passed away, he was 44-years-old. He was also born in Bamiyan’s Yakaolang District in Qufqool Village, which is part of Sia Dara. Sia Dara is a zone and Qufqool is a village.

He was the chair of the Provincial Council and the people’s representative. Jawad Zohak had studied until twelfth grade. He had participated in the night-time Kankor Examination but did not succeed, unfortunately. His place of study was in Dasurkh High School in Yakaolang District. He was married and had three children: two sons and one daughter. His eldest child was his daughter and at that time, she was around 14-years-old. His two sons were 12 and 10-years-old. His daughter’s name is Freshta, his eldest son is called Farhad, and the last child is named Milad. At the time of the incident, all three were students at the center of Bamiyan. Their residence at that time was in Bamiyan, Zargaran area of the Safa Shahrak. We were there together.

On June 3, 2011, while travelling towards Bamiyan from Kabul, Jawad Zohak was captured by the Taliban in the Sia Gard area in Ghorband District. He had just participated in a conference in Herat which was for all Provincial Council chairs. He was killed on June 7, 2011, after five days in captivity.

He left Kabul around four in the morning or even earlier. Around six thirty, he was stopped in that area by the Taliban. He was with other passengers.

It was a Friday that day. It was June 3, 2011, when he was passing by Pul Rangan. They took him to the other side in Qumchaq Village. When the vehicle he was originally traveling in reached Shaikh Ali area, then since the people knew him, they informed the Provincial Council that the chair of the council was taken by the Taliban. We were informed around seven o’clock. Half an hour. Only with a half an hour delay. They had taken him to Qumchaq Village. He was kept there until his last living days.

I was informed later since there was no network where I was. The passengers and the driver he was with informed the Provincial Council. Then, the council informed our family. In just an hour or an hour and a half, even the television networks were informed. Tolo News had a news ticker that the Bamiyan Provincial Council chair was taken by the Taliban. Some news outlets had released a short news segment about the incident. Almost all of the family and relatives got to know about the incident through TV news channels.

No, they had not taken anyone. They had not taken anyone else but him. They had stopped just the car that the Provincial Council chair was in and let all the other cars go. When I got network connection, I was informed that my uncle had been captured in Pul Rangan in Ghorband. Unfortunately, I could not take any action. Naturally, in a state where a person like him is captured – that too by a brutal, terror group – it is difficult to manage yourself normally. It is difficult to manage yourself in those circumstances. Even now that I am talking about it, explaining it is difficult for me. Later, the local people, Bamiyan Provincial Council, other influential figures in Bamiyan, and some friends gathered in a mosque and decided that a team should go negotiate with the people in Sai Gard of Ghorband District about the reason why a people’s representative was taken and what they want from him. He is neither part of the military nor the government, he is a civilian. He is the representative of the people. If they [the captors] are against the government, then he, too, as a civil activist (despite people saying all kinds of things about him) has criticized the government and called it incompetent as part of his civil activities. So... what is it that you want?

In the end, six people were selected and they negotiated for around three or four days. At first, we would get good news. The negotiating team did not hear from him [Jawad] on the first day. Until the team found the elders of their community and got in touch with them to get [my uncle] released on the second day. I remember precisely that it was seven in the morning when they said that they would return the chair of the Provincial Council. We prepared to go to welcome him back. Well, we prepared around four o’clock to go to Ghorband and bring raees sahib. However, they called to inform us that his release was delayed and it might happen tomorrow instead. The people from the team of representative that were selected by the people to negotiate my uncle’s release called, which caused our family to wait until tomorrow in hopelessness. The next day, we were told that around nine, nine-thirty, or ten o’clock, raees sahib would be released. However, just like the previous day, his release was cancelled. On the fourth day, we did not hear any news about his release. There were rumors that Zohak was not even alive and that they were lying about releasing him. He had already been killed.

The members of the negotiating team and other influential figures who left Bamiyan were assured that the chair of the Provincial Council was still alive. They once again contacted to ask what the captors wanted from them and whether it was money that they wanted. They shall give them the money. If this person [referring to the victim] has harmed you in anyway, we shall compensate the harm. This continued on until the last day, when they said they would release him. He was supposed to be released at seven in the morning but then it got cancelled to eleven o’clock. And then, it was cancelled again. They said he would be released at seven in the evening.

It was around 11:30 PM. Around that time, the news outlets announced that the Taliban killed Bamiyan’s Provincial Council chair. The next day, they had thrown his body by the side of the road and sadly, planted land mines around him. Until that time, we still had a bit of hope because we wanted to wait until the body was identified and his death could be confirmed. There were land mines around his body so no one could get close until an expert team of bomb diffusers came to Shaikh Ali area from Parwan’s military unit. The people had zoomed on his face with their camera but they said his face could not be seen so it was not clear whether it was Zohak or someone else. After the team came and diffused the land mines, they identified the body as the chair of the Provincial Council. After that, we took the body to Parwan. From there, it was transported to Bamiyan via a helicopter. It was around four in the afternoon when we brought the martyr’s body to Bamiyan.

No, they did not ask for any ransom or anything like that. Like I mentioned previously, there were days when they would say he was going to be released. Some days, they said this two times and on the last day, they said it three times. From seven in the morning, to eleven in morning, and seven in the evening, they were saying he would be released. [They said] now that the people and influential figures came from Bamiyan, we will let him go. They were killing time like this until, unfortunately, we lost him.

One of the people who negotiated with the Taliban directly – I do not remember his name – was the focal person between the people of Bamiyan and the Taliban. He would deliver their word to us and ours to the Taliban. That person used to say that the Taliban will release raees sahib. After everything was over and raees sahib became a martyr, we were told that the Taliban had asked their elders – who were either part of the Quetta Shura or something, or were inside Afghanistan - whether to release him. But they decided that he would not be freed.

The negotiating team did not meet with Zohak at all. The Taliban did not even allow the team to talk with the victim on the phone. Also, even when one person from the family agreed to go there and see the victim just once to be sure he was alive, that was not allowed. No such thing happened. They took his life in a short span of time. If they had told this beforehand, more effort could have been taken at that time. Unfortunately, as I mentioned previously, you cannot manage yourself normally in such a situation because it is very difficult. We are a big family of around 18 to 20 people living together in a house. Trying to calm his family and children and other members of the family was a difficult task.

Under those circumstances, each relative gives a certain advice and one says to do this while the other says to do that, which puts you in a crossroad. At that time, we were not able to manage the situation as we should have or would have. As a result, they [the captors] also came to the conclusion that if this situation gets dragged longer, they might get calls from the higher ups and be forced to release him. Since he was the chair of the Provincial Council and had spent admirable years during the Jihad, he also knew many politicians, be it from Tajiks, Pashtuns, or Hazaras. He had met and interviewed many politicians up the ladder in the government. He had served as the people’s representative for two terms in Bamiyan. All in all, he was well known, so that is why the captors decided to finish the job quickly.

Unfortunately, there were many injuries on his body which indicated torture. It is very difficult for me to say this. His skull bone had become completely soft. His whole body was covered in bruises and injury; he was tortured. There was bullet wound and traces of torture. His bones were broken. The majority of his face was not recognizable. He did not have any kind of animosity with the Taliban. He was the people’s representative, not police or the army. He always traveled through land between Kabul and Bamiyan, although air travel was not available at that time. The airport in Bamiyan was not like it is today and the runway was unpaved. The airlines operating in Bamiyan today did not operate at that time. There was one airline called ‘Pactech’ but everyone preferred land travel over traveling on their airplane. I also have a memory of it. I came to Kabul on that airplane. As though it was going over the land like a car. Air travel was not available at that time as it is today, except for UNAMA which had a helicopter that came to Bamiyan sometimes. The heads of provincial offices, members of the provincial councils, and parliament members travelled with the help of their colleagues in UNAMA. Other than that, there were no airline companies which had scheduled flights during the week. In general, Jawad travelled on land. In addition, there were no such incidents on the Kabul-Bamiyan, Ghorband, and Maidan Wardak routes. You could say that it was completely unprecedented and such thing had happened for the very first time. Other than that, it is not known who had reported him as everyone said something. Certainly, the Taliban have people in all the paths between one province to the other. The other passengers with him and the car which came to deliver his bag to us said that only their car was stopped to pull raees sahib out, and the rest were told to leave. They said the captors came directly towards Zohak while he was in the passenger seat. As they spotted raees sahib in the car, they pulled him out of the car and told everyone else to leave. From what the driver said, it is evident that his whereabouts were reported. It was not an accident.

[Mohamamd Zohak stays silent in response to the question about the condition of Zohak’s wife and children upon receiving his body] Well, it was a difficult time. Although death is inevitable, the sudden death of a loved one who had traveled and you were waiting for his return, is difficult. The fact that the loved one’s body is returned to you is difficult. Although I was not at home at that time, I got a call from Parwan. From what I remember, Parwan’s governor had called the family that the body of raees sahib was transported to the airport in Parwan. He had informed the family that two helicopters will bring his body to Bamiyan. After that, deputy of the minister of defense, General Jawhari – he was a deputy back then – also called that he will reach Bamiyan in an hour. We were busy with these things back then. The airport that you saw, at that time, was unpaved and a helicopter landed. From there, the people accompanied the victim’s corpse to Rahbar Shaheed mosque inside the market area. Yes, on foot... Then, it was decided to not bury him on that day. The elders of Bamiyan and the council made the decision to bury him the next day because many government officials were coming from Kabul. The president’s representative and the provincial council representatives were to come the next day. After a small ceremony, we took the body to the hospital and kept it in the mortuary fridge. By the time we got back home, it was around 7:30-8:00 in the night. It was dark outside when we reached home. The situation in our house was unimaginable and uncontrollable. I was not very old or mature when Zohak died and I became the caretaker of the family. I am around 30-34 years old and this incident took place about 8 or 9 years ago. Managing the household was difficult. His wife, sons and daughter, and my sister and mother, all of us were part of the same household. Although he was a boss and the chair of a provincial council, with his family and extended relatives, he was always like a friend. Without him, we are around 7-8 brothers. With our sisters and other family members, he was always very nice. But when this incident took place, everyone was shocked. It is hard to describe how the situation was at that time.

Still, with whatever little ability we had, we managed ourselves. That night was a very difficult night. By the next day, when the representatives of the provincial council were supposed to come, a number of representatives from Herat, Mazar, and Bamiyan came for the funeral. The next day, we were busy with the funeral and burial of our martyr. As the head of the family, in a way, all of the responsibility for the funeral and burial was on my shoulders. We had funeral ceremonies one after the other. There were ceremonies here and in Yakaolang. After the ceremony in Yakaolang, we had another funeral ceremony in Kabul. I was responsible for the family as well as all the funeral ceremonies. We were busy with those and so was the rest of the family. Well, he was an important and big person. Despite all the difficulties, his death was unbelievable for us. Meaning, it was difficult to bear it. On the other hand, we were obliged to follow the customs and traditions of our society. We were busy with these things until the fortieth day of his passing.

Regarding the reason why this incident happened, he had a saying, if you have heard it, that if the government does not have the money to pave the streets in Bamiyan despite it being an important province and the center of tourism in Afghanistan, then the people will do it themselves. He paved the street in Bamiyan’s market area, all of the streets there. This was a form of civil protest against the government’s neglect. He was protesting for the streets, drinkable water, and issues of electricity. We have a roundabout in Bamiyan called Alakain roundabout. Zohak, along with his other civil activist colleagues, decided to install a lamp so that Bamiyan becomes illuminated. He had a famous saying during Karzai’s term that went like, ‘One eye of the government is blind and unfortunately, Bamiyan exist in the side of that blind eye and that is why they get no attention from the government.’ He was always a critic of the government in a way. However, on his last trip to Herat, two representatives from each provincial council were present. The conference was important in terms of its accountability towards people. Since provincial councils are bodies that observe the government’s actions, even in the conference during his speech, there were some problems and it was about to get cancelled. That was his last engagement with the government. In my opinion, the government was capable – the government has that much power to free the chair of a provincial council from few Taliban members – to save him under those circumstances, as the protection and security of the people is the responsibility of the government. I can say in confidence that the government was negligent. They were so negligent that even the defense deputy minister had posted on his Facebook page that even foreigners were asking for the release of the provincial council chair. They had requested the government for one or two people who could rescue him as foreign nationals were not allowed to use aircrafts and send people to rescue someone who was not their fellow countryman. They had even found the place where raees sahib was held and told [the government] that he was kept in a room with another person. They requested for one or two people to be sent there via a helicopter to rescue Zohak.

The government did not respond to this matter either, unfortunately. I want to say there is a sort of collusion between the government and the Taliban. In all the issues of districts collapsing; the conflict in Kunduz; the conflict in Baghlan; in the assassination of Burhanuddin Rabbani and other assassinations; even Karzai’s brother, who was the head of a provincial council, was assassinated; in all these matters, the government is aware and there is a collusion between them and the Taliban. Those who criticize the government in any way, they are not allowed to succeed and are not tolerated. I am certain that in the assassination of martyr Jawad Zohak, there was some sort of collusion between the government and the Taliban. Both parties cooperate with each other in such matters.

The impact of this incident was that we lost our family [member], he was everyone’s hope and someone we always relied on. I can say that after losing him, our family no longer has been able to be happy in the true sense of it. We sent his wife and children abroad because guaranteeing their safety was beyond my capability, whether they lived in Bamiyan or Kabul. Although I could also go with them through their [asylum] case, I did not leave. I could not go. I could not let go of this place. [His death] definitely left a negative impact on our lives. Especially on his children, who lost their father and their friend at such a young age. The impact will be felt throughout all their lives. It is difficult for all of us, truly difficult. His children and widow do not have any financial or security problems, but we all have mother and fathers and losing such a great father in such a young age is difficult. For us, the loss of such a significant person has left a huge void in our lives.

We took a lot of initiatives, even submitted a petition to the United Nations. We also sent a copy of it to ten other reputable embassies in Kabul. I submitted the petition to the office of the president myself. I delivered the petition to the deceased former vice president, Marshal Fahim, and personally gave another copy to the second vice president, Mohammad Karim Khalili. As for human rights organizations, we sent a copy to the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Organization chaired by Ms. Samar. This was all we were able to do but unfortunately, we have not received any response. In 2017, we submitted a complaint to the International Criminal Court in the Hague through your organization but we have not gotten any result so far. Getting a response for such an incident is difficult in Afghanistan but we will still pursue it. Although I am very disappointed, I will still pursue it. We shall participate in such issues. We hope that we will get a result, although the person we lost cannot come back to life. Still, we hope that all our effort will lead to a possibility of bringing these criminals to the court. We shall participate in that. Inshallah just as such atrocities have happened in other countries like in Europe, Latin American, and even the United States, and after years of the people advocating, the perpetrators were brought to justice. We constantly hear from the media that this dictator or that group has been sentenced to life imprisonment or death. We also hope that these people who have committed such acts shall be dragged to the court and be brought to justice. They shall be asked what right they had to make three children without a father and make a family without their guardian. Who has given you such a right? Certainly, it is not God. We are hopeful that one day they will be brought to justice. Just as you explained before and showed a video, we definitely want a part of his [Jawad's] memories to be there [in the museum] although it is part of our customs that when a person becomes a martyr, their clothes and other items are given to poor people and their personal possessions like wristwatches, rings, pens, mobile phone and such are distributed among the close relatives. The ring is given to this person and the wristwatch is given to that person, like the brother or his children. Just like that, after his passing, everything. We even sent some of his personal belongings to his sister abroad to keep as a memory. However, we have a few of his clothes which can be displayed in the [memory] boxes. We shall place his pictures there which are part of his memories. Aside from that, we have kept his shoes which he wore the very last time. It is still at home and we have not given it to anybody. Yes, we have kept it with us. We are willing to place some of his items with his pictures in the [memory boxes]. How can we not be willing?

Although Jawad Zohak was the youngest child from my grandfather, they were eight brothers in total. Only two of his elder brothers are currently with us but the rest six of them, including Jawad, have passed away. He has two sisters. One of them is here in Bamiyan and the other lives abroad, both of them were elder to Jawad. From among our relatives, only the nephews and nieces are left, two of my aunts and uncles. The country they went to as political refugees provides for their expenses. His children study and his widow is busy taking care of them. They are currently studying. One of his sons is in high school and his daughter, who is also the eldest child, is a first-year college student.

All of us had that one house and we still have it now. My grandfather’s house is in Yakaolang but after the end of the Taliban regime and start of the new government, we came here and built this house.

We remember his behavior almost every evening. He had a busy job as the head of the Provincial Council of a whole province and was occupied with meetings with government officials and the people (part of his responsibility was accountability toward the people). He was very fond of nature and even if he could not do it daily, he still took the whole family out to tour around in Bamiyan valleys whenever he had the time. Sometimes he would tour for only an hour and once time, it was just for half an hour. He was very fond of touring around. One of his best characteristics, besides loving the nature as I explained before, was that he played sports and he would always encourage all of us, one way or the other, to exercise. Although at the end times, because he had sustained an injury, he was not very physically strong and because of that injury, could not do heavy sports. He was very capable in three sports which were Taekwondo, Kung Fu, and gymnastics. In his recent times, when he could not do heavy sports, he was interested in playing tennis. He liked playing tennis but there were not many facilities at that time but there was a table tennis inside a hall in Telecommunications Directorate and he always played there. His other good feature was that he never had any bad intentions toward other people. Whenever I would say that this person is not a good person, all from lack of experience, he would tell me, “No, you might not have the experience or the age to pass a judgement on whether a person is good or bad. This might just be your opinion of that person that they are but in reality, they could be good people.” He would tell me that that person might be good but your impression of them might be bad. It is also possible that the other person also has a negative impression of you but that does not mean that either you or that person is bad. He would also tell me that these all are the judgements that we make about people. In general, he did not like improper judgements of people.

He would advise us that such a characteristic was not good. He would always want the good of the people and even today, if you ask the people of Bamiyan, they would tell you about his good behavior. Issues of language, ethnicity, and identity did not matter to him. He would say that we all are humans and that all of us should find a way to live a life that is worthy for a human being. Definitely, all people were not created in once place and all of us belong to a certain district and area, but such issues like a person’s background did not matter to him. He had good behavior. He was very kind to all family members and most of people. If he wanted someone to realize that they had made a mistake, he would do it with humor and in a joking manner. His humorous nature is well known among the politicians, whether they are in Kabul or Bamiyan.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

Two Bullets Had Hit Him in The Back

Narrator: Hussain Farahmand (brother)

Victim: Hassan Kamali

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

I am Hussain Farahmand, the brother of martyr Hassan Kamali, who was an engineer. My brother was born on 28th February 1993 in Temran. He attended elementary school at Shalizar School and completed middle and high school at Temran Boys High School. When he was in 11th grade, alongside being a student, he started teaching other students. There was a shortage of teachers in that area at the time. So even as a child, he served as a teacher. In addition to going to school and teaching others, Hassan worked in the local pharmacy in the afternoons to help our father by earning money. Hassan was a very hardworking, social, good-tempered, and humorous boy. He was not obsessed with money; his only goal was to improve his life. In 2012, he passed the university entrance exam and was accepted into the engineering department of the Mining Industry Polytechnic University. My brother scored very high on the entrance exam, with a score of 322 points.

During his school years, he received many commendations from educational centres and even from the university. He came second and third in his class as a first and second-year student. In his third year of university, he worked so hard that he was the top student in his class. He received his letter of commendation in 2016 and phoned to tell me he was top of his class. I was very happy and congratulated him.

When the incident happened on July 23rd, I was in Herat and did not know the details. On the same day, I was in the park to study for my final exam. In the afternoon, I returned to my room to rest and sleep. I had slept for half an hour when my friends reported on Facebook that a suicide attack had happened among demonstrators in Dehmazang, Kabul. One of my roommates knew about it, but I did not.

One of our relatives, who worked at a money exchange office in Kabul, called me and asked, “Do you know where Hassan is?” I immediately called both of his numbers. The phone rang for about 5 minutes but no one picked up. I called my cousin and asked about him. He said that he was in his room until 11:30, and had taken an exam, and he was probably in Kote-Sangi, not at the demonstration. I called the other friends of his I knew. They also said that Hasan had not participated in the rally.

Once he had visited Kote-Sangi, one of his classmates had told him, “You and I got cards yesterday; we must participate in the demonstration."

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

The Phone Was Burnt in The Incident, but the SIM Card Remains Intact

Narrator: Soghra (wife)

Victim: Mohammad Jawad Alipour

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

My husband was born in Mashhad in Iran. When he was 10, he and his family returned to Afghanistan, to the district of Ghorian, in Herat Province. They started working and studying in a compound with some agricultural lands attached. He lived there until he was 17, but they abandoned their land and moved to Herat during the first period of Taliban rule. At the age of 17, he traveled back to Iran and lived there until the age of 22. His family lived in Herat city, and we were acquaintances who had known each other since childhood. Later, they proposed to me to marry their son. At the age of 22, when he returned to the country, we got married immediately. Eight years have passed since our wedding, and we have three children: two boys and one girl. My eldest son is seven-years-old, my second son is four-years-old, and my daughter is three-months-old. She was born after her father’s martyrdom. In Iran, he operated rebar machinery. When he returned to Afghanistan, he lived with us for almost six months. He then joined the National Army. He served in the National Army for nine months in 2010. He was dispatched to the border with Pakistan and his work there was dangerous. Sometimes, he could not even contact us.

His father suffers from cardiovascular disease, so he was concerned about my husband’s health. Following that period of ten months, he didn’t allow his son to continue serving in the national army. Out of respect for his father, he quit his army job after he left hospital [following an injury]. When he returned home, my eldest son was three months old. Once again, my husband had to go to Iran to look for work. He stayed there almost a year and a half. Following his return from Iran, he partnered with one of his friends and started doing welding jobs, and he was still doing this up the time of his martyrdom. One of his dreams was to invent a device. He would always tell me that he wished he had studied more and that our economic situation was better. Then he would make a device that would be recorded as part of the story of his life. I always encouraged him and said, "God is great, and our living situation will improve one day."

He was very interested in reading and read many religious books. He did not have many friends and spent most of his time on Fridays with us and reading books. After finishing Friday prayer and returning home from the mosque, he would always recite the Holy Quran. He has three brothers, but they are not like my husband. Because of his good morals, his father was very fond of him; he was happy with him. When his son was martyred, he was not in a good state of mind. We even moved from the house where we had lived to a different place. His father used to say, “At the time of the morning Azan [call to prayer], I feel my son calling me for prayer and saying: ‘Dad, I have prepared water for you to do your ablutions.’”

In fact, his dream came true as he always wished to become a martyr. In his diary, he detailed the hardships and problems he faced in his childhood, for example, the difficulties he encountered when he was smuggled abroad, and the bitter times he had weaving carpets as a child. After my son was enrolled in kindergarten, my husband would always help him with his homework, despite being very tired after he came home from work. He would say that he had suffered a lot and would leave no stone unturned to help his children educated. Even though I would help my son with his assignments, he was thrilled when his father encouraged him. He would always tell me to set aside a room for our children so that they could study peacefully and become people of influence later in life. I have decided to be an excellent mother to my children until the very last moments of my life. I even try to fill the void left by their father’s death, so that they never feel unprotected and lonely. His caring nature has influenced my own behavior, and made me decide this. He never spoke to me harshly in the eight years of our married life, not even once. Sometimes it was I who was harsh, but he always stayed calm and encouraged me not to get enraged because it was not worth living a sad life.

At night, when chatting with me, he would say, “Soghra, just think for a moment about the resurrection, the grave, and the other world. This world and life are not worth being greedy for or unhappy about.” I used to tell him, “Do you act as you say?” He would say, “Yes, before I go to sleep, I close my eyes for a moment and think about the Day of Resurrection, about the grave, and about good behavior. Once I gain serenity, I easily fall asleep.” Now that we have lost him, I think of his words before going to sleep. I cry and laugh simultaneously at his simplicity and honesty. When I think about him, I miss him greatly. When I recall his words, I fall asleep despite my sadness. May God bless him. We have no bad or unpleasant memories of him; we have only good memories, a lot of them. He used to take me with him for Friday prayers, and after praying, he would call me not to go home alone. He was waiting for me when I came out of the women’s section. On Muharram nights, he would wait for me and we would walk home together, while some people used to go home individually.

On Fridays, he would take me, especially my children, to the park or special shrines to have fun. Because conditions in Afghanistan, especially in Herat, were not good. He used to advise me not to leave the children unattended in the alleyway. He used to say that the kids should have fun. Sometimes his father would worry about us. My husband would secretly take the children to parks and remote areas when it was nice weather so they would not feel distressed. In the last days of Ramadan, he traveled from Kabul to Herat and stayed at home with us for a week after Eid. A day before he returned to Kabul - I don’t know what he was thinking - he took the motorcycle out early in the morning and gave the kids and me a ride across Herat City. He told us, “I want you to see nice and beautiful places in Herat. Maybe I will never return home this time.” Lately, he talked about death and did not let us have a bad time. Every time I recall his actions and approaches, I feel sad, and my heart breaks.

Some people demonstrated in Herat in support of the mandate of the Enlightenment Movement. He wanted to participate but his father did not allow him to, saying he had a bad feeling about it, and would not let him sacrifice himself. But he told his father, “I must participate. We have to support the Hazaras. If we stay home, other people will also stay home, and then who will be at the demonstration, which is our right?” He had a book he would often read, entitled ‘Hazara History.’ He believed the Hazara should be proud.

When he went to Kabul, he didn’t tell us about the July 23rd demonstration. We did not even know he might take part in it. The only person he told that the was going to the rally was his work partner. After finishing work in Kabul, he bought a return ticket to Herat. A few days earlier, he had hurt his foot at work. At 11 o’clock on the day of the incident, I called him and asked him why he had not been more careful, and asked him how he had hurt his leg. He said: “No, it’s fine. My foot was not hurt badly, it is much better now.” He was working in an industrial zone in Kabul. When I asked him where he was, he said he was going to Dehmazang but did not tell me that he was going there to join in the demonstration. That was our last call. After he said goodbye, we never talked to each other again.

Almost 12 days had passed since we’d seen him before he travelled to Kabul, and his work was not finished yet. His cousins, who were working with him, had already returned to Herat on Friday. But he had booked a ticket to return home on Saturday. His cousins had even urged him to go home with them on Friday, but he refused to go on Friday, saying he would return to Herat on Saturday instead. Mainly, they worked in Herat, and their work included cutting, metals, PEB structural sheds, and welding. He had two cutting machines, one in Kabul and the other in Herat. He had gone to Kabul to install this machine.

Whenever he talked about martyrdom, I would immediately stop him and argue against it, saying, “Don’t yearn for martyrdom because if you die one day, what should I do with two sons and the little girl on the way?” He used to say that a person should not grow old because his sins also increase as he ages. He said my children have God, and he knows how to help them and to help me. He would tell me to think of how much he could help us if he became a martyr. He really believed it was not worthwhile living a long life.

After my husband’s martyrdom, my sons always ask about their father. I teach tailoring. On that day, I was in the classroom teaching students when my mother-in-law called me and asked if I knew about Jawad. I told her I had called him, but his phone was switched off. She asked if I had watched TV, and I said no. In the afternoon, the children sleep, and we don’t turn on the TV until their homework is finished and their grandfather has watched the news. Again, she said, go home and turn on the TV. I went home and turned on the TV. TOLO News was airing live footage from Dehmazang. I felt terrible, and my worries increased. My two sons and I did not know about his martyrdom until three days later, when his body was brought to Herat. We did not have anyone to transfer my husband’s body. His brothers and cousins had departed that night [to get his body] but they did not inform me. When I asked them, they said they had not found him. Of course, they had found him, but they wouldn’t tell me anything because of my condition. I was pregnant with my daughter at the time. I just sat all day on the dirt in the front yard, holding the phone in my hand, unable to do anything else. When I cried, my children frequently brought me water. My eldest son said, “Mom! When you cry, I get thirsty.”

When I recall those moments, my heart is on fire; I just shed tears because of this great sorrow. Once I learned about it, the family said that his children shouldn’t see him because it would impact their mental well-being, but I said that it was wrong because if they don’t see their father, they will always wait for him to come. My husband always called my children at night before they went to bed, spoke with them, and asked them what they wanted him to bring them from Kabul. They told their father to get them a bicycle. That’s why I told them it’s better to show them their father’s face.

My younger son didn’t believe that the body was his father’s. When my eldest son saw his father, he said, “Alas, my father sleeps forever.” When my eldest son completes his homework, he tells his little brother every night that their dad has become a butterfly and gone to the sky. He points to the brightest star in the sky and says it is their dad. If my little son makes noise, his big brother will tell him, “Didn’t daddy say don’t bother your mother? If you annoy my mother and me again, he will not forgive you, but since he has become a spirit, he will not return to us.” Even while eating, he says to my younger son, “Didn’t daddy always tell you that you should sit cross-legged at the table?” He recalls his father all the time, and quotes my husband’s statements to his little brother.

I was teaching tailoring from 3 to 6 pm. I got ready at 2:30 and went to the class. I was in my classroom until 5. There was an hour left when my mother-in-law called me and told me to go home. The moment she said her call [to my husband] did not go through, believe me, my hands and feet started shaking. I told my students that I was going home and left the class. When I got home, I turned on the TV. Seeing the painful scenes of Dehmazang, I was crying and kept calling, hoping that an acquaintance might locate my husband. My husband was missing for two nights. My sister-in-law is studying in Kabul, and she tried to find him through Facebook, but every time I called her, she said she did not find anyone named Jawad Hossaindad, and if she did, they belonged to other provinces. My poor son-in-law went to Kabul from Mazar-e-Sharif and started looking for him. I kept phoning his number, and kept asking him about my husband. The poor guy would sometimes not answer my calls when he started to become frustrated with his fruitless searching.

On the day of the incident, when my husband was martyred, somebody had found his phone, taken out the SIM card from his burnt phone, and put it in his own mobile phone. The only number that had appeared on the SIM card was the number of my husband’s uncle. He had contacted the number and had asked whose phone number it was. My husband’s uncle had said that the number belonged to his nephew. Then, the caller said that the phone was burnt in the incident and only the SIM card was left intact. Hearing the news, my husband’s uncle became disappointed and realized that Jawad had been martyred. After hearing the news, he informed my brother-in-law and my brother-in-law booked a ticket and went to Kabul the same night. But they did not tell me anything. Then they spent two nights in Kabul, and on the third night, they said that Jawad was fine and they would return to Herat. I was so happy. I asked why he didn’t call me or talk to me if he was okay. Why didn’t his phone ring? Whenever he went to Kabul, we had made an arrangement that he would call me at 9 in the morning because I was at home in the morning doing tailoring. Then in the evenings, at 6 o’clock I would wait for his call, and once my eldest son finished his homework, he would talk to his dad.

He was not like some other men who treated kids harshly when they got home. When he got home, he would play hide and seek with his children. Children love a happy father; they were always pleased to play with their father. I frequently told him to show some seriousness, but he would say it would be okay if children were guided to the right path through smiles and happiness since they will never be taught by hitting and cursing. One day before the incident (i.e. on Friday) he called and said he felt extremely sad. He asked his children to read him the poems they had learned in kindergarten and school. I feel despondent when I remember what he did on the Friday. When I heard about my husband’s martyrdom, I didn’t eat or drink anything for two days and two nights. When my sisters saw me, they insisted I ate something and said since I was pregnant, if I didn’t eat food, I could become dehydrated, and the baby would be damaged. I told them I had lost my appetite.

The day they found Jawad, his brother called me and said they had found him, he was injured lightly, and they would bring him to Herat. That morning, I was thrilled. I had breakfast, and it was so luscious that I still remember the taste of it. After having breakfast, as soon as I folded the tablecloth, I noticed two vehicles in front of our gate, and all our close and distant relatives were coming through our gate. When they entered, I asked my mother why they had come. My mother said they were there to visit Jawad. As soon as I had eye contact with my brother, my heart trembled. This brother of mine had been friends with my husband since childhood, and he loved him very much. My brother had cried a lot, and his eyes had turned all red. When I looked at my brother, I immediately realized the truth of what had happened. My brother could not look me in the eye. We ran towards each other when I saw him and we cried a lot. I don’t recall those moments clearly. I didn’t know where I was.

In the afternoon, the body was taken to the mosque. I kept comforting myself, hoping that maybe there had been some mistake and that this body was not Jawad. When I looked at my husband’s face, I told myself it was him, but I still comforted myself and wished it was all a terrible mistake. Even now, I think he has gone to work. I don’t believe he was martyred. I visit his grave on Fridays, talk to him and open my heart. I regularly think about the things he used to do. I comfort myself and say that it was his wish to be martyred, and that it’s good that he got what he wanted. Now God is with us. Every person, male or female, has dreams for his life and for his children. I try to fulfill my husband’s wish to educate my children. I try to provide for them through work and tailoring, until they can stand on their own two feet. So that they don’t feel that void left by their father’s death.

My eldest son is a brilliant and kindhearted child. He always talks about his father but never asks me about him. When his little brother asks me about his father, his older brother advises him that I will get upset and that he should stop talking and asking about their father. My little son asks so many questions! We buried my husband in a shrine campus in Jibra’il District. Because my husband’s grave is far from our house, my younger son kept asking questions and misbehaving. He asked questions like: “Why did you bury my dad? Who told you to put him under the ground? Dad will be spoiled there.” The following day, when we visited my husband’s grave, we found another martyr buried next to him. My younger son walked over to his grave and then jumped on his father’s grave and said, “Dad, why did you sleep under the ground? Why can’t I see your hands and feet?” He kept asking why his father’s shirt was not visible. He yelled and asked to dig up the ground and get his father out. Until Eid al-Adha, he was hopeful that his father would come back home. When my nephew talked to him about his father, my son would also say, “My father, too, will come and bring me a gift from Kabul.”

His grandfather always watches the news on TV. When my son hears news of a suicide attack, he says, “My father, too, was martyred in a suicide attack.” In the month of Muharram, when I was taking him out, he would be afraid of the police and say they killed his father. He would cry and say they had killed his father and he would hide under my chador. I have no other demands to make of the government. I just want them to know that they need to pay attention to the children of martyrs. I ask human rights organizations to assist the martyrs’ families. They should provide educational opportunities for the children of martyrs, because if they don’t have access to work and education, they may end up in adverse situations. Economic conditions are an important issue. If youth have access to employment and education, they will never turn to drugs. We all know that poverty is a crucial reason for delinquency among teenagers and youth. I hope my children can study and have a bright future. Sometimes, when I think about how I lost my husband and a life partner at 27, I comfort myself, believing I am not alone and should stay strong.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

He Rebuilt the School Building

Narrator: Amin Dadfar (brother)

Victim: Reza Ebrahimi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

My brother was 15-years-old when we lost our father. My other brother, Mohammad Juma, was older than Reza Ebrahimi. Mohammed Juma used to live in Iran and was the breadwinner of the family. This elder brother worked in a field in Iran two days per week and did the hard work assigned by the land owner. He worked there for four years to help the family and left for Iran at the age of 18. The journey was arduous and on the way, he was taken hostage by thieves and imprisoned in the Tal-e Siya prison near the Iran-Afghanistan border. He was kept in jail for two months. They held my brother hostage with ten other people but released his friends and told them to send money when they arrived in Iran to buy my brother’s freedom. Two months later, my brother was finally released and managed to go to Iran.

When he arrived in Iran, he was determined that all his younger brothers should attend school and live a comfortable life. He provided us with money and other necessities of life. One of my brothers, younger than Reza, was not that interested in school. But my older brother and I continued going to school. The second thing Mohammed Juma did for us was to repair and renovate our house in our hometown. During his time in Iran, he engaged in sports. Within five years, he became a sports trainer. After five years in Iran, my elder brother returned to Afghanistan and travelled to our hometown. Reza left for Europe. He traveled with five of his friends and was the group leader. During their journey, they suffered a lot. When a smuggler gave them a boat in the Greek [Aegean]sea, he had to take control of it. He was fearless and helped everyone. One of his friends had become seasick, and he encouraged him to carry on. When they had come across a whale, again, he had comforted others, and they managed to cross the sea.

When they had landed on the coast by morning, one of his friends, who had been very tired, had laid down on the beach but the tide washed him away and my brother immediately jumped into the water and saved him. Then he encouraged everyone to move away from the coast, even though they felt weak. They had to tear up the boat they had sailed in, so they were not put on board the same ship and returned if the police arrested them. When the police approached the island, my brother fled and took refuge in a green, densely wooded area.

My brother described his experience: “After the police left the area, I stayed there until the surrounding areas became quiet. Only then I noticed that a giant dog was standing near me. I stayed still; the dog stood there for 20 minutes and then went away. I was exhausted, hungry, and thirsty because I had not eaten anything at night. I was on the run when the police arrested me. They asked me where my friends were. I told them I was alone. They didn’t believe me and said you must have a companion, or maybe you are a smuggler. I was imprisoned for five days. Then, they released me and took me to Athens, the capital of Greece. After a month, I found my friends.”

My brother, Reza, was a very active person. He lived in Greece for two years and worked in agriculture. In the third year, he went to England with his three friends. On a rainy night, my brother and 15 other people, including 8 Pakistanis and 7 Afghans, tried to hide in a stream but the Pakistanis did not allow the Afghans to hide there. Angry at this, my brother threatened to beat some Pakistanis. He was athletic and strong, and when the Pakistanis saw this, they decided not to mess with him. My brother had taken his friends out of the stream and they had hidden somewhere else. Later, they moved to France and stayed there for six months. Their journey was very challenging. He said they had to cling underneath trailer trucks to hide and move from one city to another. They would use their clothes bags as pillows when they slept during the night. They had no idea where the trucks were headed: Africa, Europe, Australia, or even Pakistan. So they arrived at their destination, England. He lived in England for two years but was not accepted because he was an adult. So eventually he returned to Afghanistan. He worked hard and was always popular with people.

Reza got married in our hometown and then was nominated and elected as head of the community council. One of the public works he did for the people was constructing a road that connected our area with a neighbouring region. He also upgraded the elementary school into a high school and renovated its building. He was very good-tempered and treated people with care and respect.

One of my brothers is older than me. He graduated from twelfth grade in the same year. Reza told him to study any field he likes and not to worry about tuition. Taking part in the university entrance exam, my brother was accepted for the two-year electrical engineering course, but in the end, he didn’t enjoy it and said he wanted to work in national security instead. After two years of struggle, he was offered a job in national security and returned to Daikundi. When the incident happened on July 23, I was at the Institute. I kept calling my brother’s number, but he didn’t pick up. I called his friends, but they didn’t give a concrete answer. I left for Kote-Sangi. I then realized I should call the driver of the vehicle in which my brother rides. When I called him, he told me, “Reza Ebrahimi is with me, and I have just come out of Esteqlal hospital and want to go to Wazir Mohammad Akbar Khan hospital.”

I recall him calling me several times a day for the entire year I had been in Kabul. He asked me where I was, what I was doing, and whether I had attended classes. He was very kind. I felt disappointed because he would never have left my calls unanswered, so if he did not answer, he must be in a bad way. When I arrived at Wazir Muhammad Akbar Khan hospital, his condition was critical; one of his legs was broken. I approached his bed. As soon as he saw me, he grabbed my feet. I tried to stay calm and not to cry. I told him he would be fine. Then, we transferred him to the 400-bed hospital. After he regained consciousness, he started cracking jokes with a friend of his who was a policeman, who had also been injured.

Reza asked me how I did my exams. I said I had only one exam left. He wanted me to get an inquiry letter and finish the exam. Following that, he talked to my brother, who worked in national security. He assured Reza not to worry about home. He told me I should not lose patience and stay focused on my studies after he is taken to India for medical treatment. “I have asked our brother to send you money from Daikundi.” He was taken to India with other wounded people on Friday. I was thrilled that he would recover in India. I attended classes on Saturday and Sunday. On Monday, I spoke with him. He sounded sad compared to the first days. A friend of his was with me. They talked a lot and he seemed happier talking to his friend. At 8 p.m., I went to my room; my friends had prepared food. I had dinner and wanted to call my brother Reza. I turned my mobile data on. One of my brothers, who lives in Iran with his family, was online and sent me photos of his sons. He asked me how Reza was doing. I said, “Thank God, he will be fine.”

In the meantime, my brother’s friend Abbas sent me a message asking how I was doing and what updates I had. The guy texted me again and said, “How are you? What is going on at home?” I said I was fine and so was the family. The person who was with my brother, his friend, was called Abbas. I asked him if Reza was fine. He said, “He is fine. Pray for him, and God willing, he will be fine. Make a vow for him.” I said, “I do pray, and now I will pray some more.” Following that call, Abbas’s phone and internet were turned off. Ten minutes later, a person named Hashem called me and said, “Dadfar, can I tell you something?” I said yes, tell me. With a lump in his throat, he said it was God’s wish. God took Reza Ebrahimi from us. I was shocked and immediately asked him what had happened. Hashem said, “Reza had a heart attack, and the doctors could not save him.”

I hung up the phone and informed my elder brother in Iran. He cried a lot over the phone and told me he would leave for Afghanistan the next day. My other brother, who was on duty, said he would go to Daikandi tomorrow. My other brother, who lived in Herat, only knew about Reza’s injury. He was in Iran, too, and arrived in Kabul on Monday. Upon the arrival of Reza’s body from India, we transferred it to the morgue in the 400-bed hospital because the high temperature could have impacted the body. When everyone arrived in Kabul, we moved to Daikundi on Tuesday and laid Reza to rest. He departed this life and left us alone in grief.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

My emotional state was very bad and I didn’t know what to do

Narrator: Ishaq (cousin)

Victim: Jawad Haidari

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

Jawad was born in the province of Bamyan in 1992. During the period of Taliban rule, his father was hired as a farm worker in the Tah-ghar area, working only at night due to the security situation. If he worked on the farm during the day, the Taliban would kill him. One day Jawad’s father attempted to go plough his field early one morning, hoping the Taliban would not notice his presence. The Taliban saw him and took him to back his home, where they behead him. When the Taliban came, Jawad hid in a corner of the family house and his mother ran away. Four other neighbors who had worked with Jawad’s father came out of their homes, thinking that the Taliban had gone away. Unfortunately, all four were found and also beheaded.

My father and I worked as shepherds in an area called Dara-ye Nura (Nura Valley). Since the area was not secure, my father would go to the area for 20 days and farm only at night so the Taliban would not see him. I was little and fled to the mountains along with my family [after the Taliban came to our house]. We learned only three weeks later that my uncle had been killed by the Taliban. Jawad’s mother lived in my uncle’s house for 3 months until one of our relatives said: “She is a young woman. One of your brothers should marry her so that she is not without a guardian.” Then one of my cousins married her. Unfortunately, my cousin had a defective eye. He worked for a while until he earned enough money to send Jawad to school. Jawad went to school until eighth grade. At the time, conditions at school were not good, so Jawad was sent to Kabul and started working in the Now-Bahar Hotel in Kot-e Sangi. I recommended that he should work with me [as I already worked there].

After some time, in 2011, he joined the national army and worked for six months. His duty station was at the airport but he left his job due to insecurity. Later, we bought wheelbarrows and started working in Mandawi market. My wife and I got him engaged to a girl last year. A clergyman in Karte Sakhi officialized their marriage contract so Jawad could easily go to his father-in-law’s house. He had planned to hold the wedding ceremony in the fall of this year but his fiancé’s family had problems, and so he had to wait until their problems were resolved. Unfortunately, he was martyred in the summer. His family was not here - he lived with us. Only on Fridays would he go to his fiancé’s house. Due to the problems with the road, his mother came to Kabul only once, which was for his engagement party. Our economic situation was not good. In the run-up to Eid, we would try to save some money from work, and my wife and I would bring an Eid present for Jawad’s fiancé.

Jawad’s dream was to escape poverty and misery. Sometimes he would say with a smile, “Cousin, will there ever be a day when I have a wife, a life and children?” I would always respond the same way, saying, “Don’t lose hope and have faith in God’s grace and generosity.” Jawad was very honest, good-tempered, brave, and hard-working. We would participate in most of the Junbish (Movement) programs together. I had guests at my house on the day of the demonstration on July 23rd, but Jawad went to Dehmazang. My aunt had died a short while before, and some of our relatives had come to our house to pay their condolences. On the morning of the incident, Jawad went to Dehmazang along with some youths. I called him at 12 o’clock and told him to come back home because the weather was very hot and he would get sick, and he should come eat and drink water. I asked my wife to prepare more food because Jawad would also be coming home. I called him again and asked him again to come home, but he said that he was still in Dehmazang and that all the roads to the city were blocked off. I told him to come home through Guzargah. Our house is just behind Ibn-e Sina Hospital. He said he did not know the Guzargah route and that he would wait a few minutes for the demonstration to finish. I was worried and again called him to ask him where he was. He said he was waiting on the street, that people were going to eat and a few people had erected tents. We were waiting at home for Jawad before starting to eat. At around 2:30 p.m. the sound of an explosion was heard, and dust rose from the Dehmazang side. My house is near the top of the mountain, so the city landscape is vividly visible. I got out and started running towards Dehmazang anxiously, but when I neared the bridge, a soldier stopped me. I tried to pass toward the Pul-e Artal bridge when a second explosion happened. Gunfire was heard. The people around me were saying that there was fighting in Dehmazang. Yazdanparast, the representative of Chendawul, had put some injured people in his car. I asked his bodyguards what had happened. They replied that there had been an explosion in Dehmazang. However many times I called Jawad, he did not answer the phone.

When I arrived in Dehmazang Square, I saw a police vehicle picking up the injured. But Jawad was not among the injured in the police vehicle. I rushed to Ibn-e Sina Hospital but did not find him there either. I called his phone again and someone else picked up and said the owner of the phone was in Isteqlal Hospital. I called my friends and relatives and told them he had been injured. When I arrived at Isteqlal Hospital, I was very confused and in a very bad condition. I went to the female ward without realizing it.

My emotional state was so bad and I didn’t know where I was or what I was doing. There were three or four dead bodies on a bed and the hallways were full of the injured and the bodies of martyrs. Of the three dead bodies on one of the beds, one had green pants. I looked at the bodies more carefully and then I recognized Jawad. There was a doctor there. I was angry with him, and said that they were playing with the life of the injured, and did not care who was alive and who was dead. The doctor said that Jawad had died even before he arrived at the hospital. There were two holes in his shoulder, his hand was wounded, and there had been blood flowing from his mouth. The hospital didn’t give me the body that night, but moved it to Wazir Akbar Khan Hospital.

The following day, I received the body at 11 o’clock and took it to the mosque, and performed ghusl (full-body ablution) at 12 o’clock. I rented a car and took him back to Bamyan where we buried him. At that time, no one was in a good emotional state and we didn’t know about Tepa-ye Shuhada (Martyrs Hill). I didn’t have money, so I borrowed 10,000 Afghanis from a relative to pay for his shroud, funeral, and memorial service. We arrived in Bamyan close to sunset and because the weather was bad, the mullah of the area performed namaz-e janazah (Islamic funeral prayer). We buried him at night.

Jawad’s mother and my uncle insisted that we bury him in our own home area and next to his father’s grave. We still go to Jawad’s fiancé's house. Unfortunately, after Jawad’s martyrdom, she suffered from deep emotional problems. She fainted constantly though luckily with some treatment, her condition is improving. If the Junbesh [Enlightenment Movement] invites me to, I will attend their meetings. We follow our martyrs’ path. Jawad’s family now faces a myriad of problems. His mother is old and they have numerous financial problems. We only received support from the Junbesh and have not received any ikramiya (death benefits) from the government at all.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

Now That He is Gone, My Sorrows Have Increased a Thousand Times

Narrator: Shirin Gul (aunt and godmother)

Victim: Khadim Hussain Hussaini

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

Khadim Hossain was orphaned when he was six months old. Thenceforth, I assumed his guardianship. Years ago, Khadim’s father went out hunting with some other people and was buried by an avalanche. Only in autumn could they dig him out of the snow. His mother suffered from an anxiety induced mental breakdown triggered by her husband's death. Consequently, she also died. Since then, I had assumed guardianship of Khadim Hossain. I raised him until he was 20-years-old. He had just turned 21 this year.

Last year, his uncle [the narrator’s husband] was paralyzed due to high blood pressure. I went to all the hospitals in Kabul to find him a treatment and basically met every doctor. After we were disappointed with his treatment in Afghanistan, the doctors gave me a note to take him to Pakistan, where he could be treated. I borrowed money from my relatives and took him to Pakistan. Once Pakistani doctors examined him and conducted the initial treatment, they said he should be hospitalized for two months and would be fine after two months. He was hospitalized in Pakistan for almost 25 days. When calling home, Khadim Hussain would assure me that he, the house, and the children were all fine.

He said, “I am at work in the morning, return home in the evening, and all of us are together.” One evening, I called him, but his phone was off. I got worried and told his uncle that I had called Khadim Hossain, but his phone was off. His uncle told me, “It is okay. He is young; either his phone is dead, or he is at work and has turned it off, or maybe he has lost it.” I was still worried. I called my brother and asked him how he was. I told him I had heard there was a demonstration in Kabul. “Are you all well?” I asked. He said they were all fine. I asked him if he knew about Khadim Hossain and that his phone was switched off. He said, "Well, I don't know, sister." I asked him to call or find out why his phone was turned off. I explained that there are little children at home, it is not clear what has happened, and to let me know so that I could stop worrying. My brother said, “Okay. I will find out about him and let you know.” His own uncle was in the hospital.

During the day, I was taking care of my husband, and at night, I would stay at the house of my husband's cousin who lived in Pakistan with her family. That when, I saw on TV that smoke was rising from Dehmazang Square and numerous ambulances were carrying the wounded and dead. It was a terrible situation. Looking at that, I became apprehensive and said to myself, "God, what has happened?" From early evening, I continued calling Khadim until late at night, but he did not answer.

Early next morning, I called my brother and told him, “I tried calling Khadim Hossain's phone at night, but it was switched off. You told me you would find out about him and update me. You did not, so what happened?” He said, “Sister! Be patient. I will find out about him and call you.” Once again, I asked my brother, “Please go check the house, since there are only a few houses of our people there. There are one or two Hazara families, three Sayyid families, and the rest are all Pashtuns. Check on my children and see what has happened to them.” At around 11:00 or 12:00, my brother called back. When I picked up the phone, he said, "Sister, your son took part in the demonstration. We are looking for him but we cannot find him. It is up to you whether you come back or decide stay there." I went to talk to the head of the hospital. Although I didn't know their language, I managed to make them understand that there was a problem back at home. I said they had to dismiss my husband as we needed to return to Afghanistan. But they told me that I had to leave the patient there for two months and that I was not allowed to return to Afghanistan because the patient’s medication would not be sufficient. I went to my husband’s cousin's house and told him I had received a call from home, but the hospital won't dismiss his cousin. I asked him to go and talk to the hospital administrators to solve our problem.

He called my brother. My brother told him, “All I know is that he took part in the demonstration, but despite our endless searches after the incident, we have not been able to find him. My sister can either stay there with her husband or return.” We returned to the hospital, and my husband’s cousin pleaded with them until they allowed the patient to leave. We waited at the border crossing in Torkham for two days and then travelled to Kabul. When I arrived home, I asked my children where Khadim Hossain was and what had happened.

My eldest daughter, 13-years-old, said, “Mother! He came back from work in the evening and his employer called him to see if he had arrived home. Khadim Hossain said yes, he is at home. He woke up early in the morning and said that he was going to work. He went outside and came back.” Because he was working in a mosaic factory and his work clothes were very dusty, he had told my daughter, “Heat some water and wash my clothes, they are very dusty. I will not go to work today.”

He was having breakfast when somebody knocked on the door. Someone named Abbas, who was also later martyred in the demonstration, came to see him to ask him to go to the demonstration. Khadim asked for his clothes and got ready to participate in the rally. He said to my daughter, “Sister, if I am late, either go to your uncle’s house and tell him to come and stay with you at night, or call the lady who always visits us so that you are not alone before I arrive.” My daughter explained that they waited until evening but Khadim did not come home. “I went to my uncle’s house and said that Khadim Hossain had not come home yet. My uncle became angry with me and said, 'He will come home. There must either be a traffic jam, or he is just late from work.' I was still worried and went to the neighbours whose house is one or two buildings away, and told his wife that Khadim Hossain had not come home that night. We were all alone and, if possible, could she come and stay with us?" The neighbours knew that Abbas, the neighbour's son, had taken part in the demonstration too. Since Abbas had not returned, Khadim might not come back either.

At night, the neighbour lady stayed with my children until morning. In the morning, my brother went to our house and told my daughter to wake the children up and tidy up the house. He then went to look for Khadim Hossain. My daughter woke her siblings up and organized the house. After a while, a vehicle came to our alley, followed by a commotion. The body of Abbas, who took part in the demonstration alongside Khadim Hossain, had been found and brought to his home. Abbas's mother and wife were beating themselves, shocked by the sudden encounter with Abbas's body. My daughter explained, “I was looking at the crowd in the alley near Abbas's house when my uncle showed up and took us home, we hadn’t realized what had happened.”

When I arrived in Kabul, I met the community representative and asked the local people what had happened. They told me that Khadim Hussain and Abbas had been together, but they didn’t know if they had actually taken part in the demonstration or gone elsewhere. I called his employer who confirmed that Khadim had called to say he would not come to work that day as he planned to go to the demonstration. His employer had later tried to reach him but Khadim’s phone was turned off.

The next day, my brother and I searched the 400-bed Wazir Akbar Khan, the Aliabad, Esteqlal and Ibn-e Sina hospitals, and all the other hospitals in Kabul, but we could not find Khadim. Once I returned home, the community representative said I should consult with Motahari. When I met him, he assigned Jawhari and others to join me at the 400-bed Hospital. There was a burnt body there, but it could not be identified. There were several representatives with me. They asked me if I could recognize the body, but it was completely blackened. The only thing about the body that resembled Khadim Hossain was the height; it was not recognizable in any other respect. I told them that Khadim Hossain was heavy and fat, but this person was slim. Somebody, whom I thought was a doctor, said the body had become thin and black because it had been burned. Jawhari told them that there were pieces of the bodies that had not been identified so far. There were amputated hands, feet, heads, and other body parts. When we went there, there were just pieces of flesh. I told them that the only part of his body I would be able to recognize was his face; the rest of his body, including his hands, feet, flesh, and other parts, would be impossible for me to identify. We returned home.

When Khadim Hossain was still alive, life could go on somehow as normal. Sometimes it was good, and sometimes bad. But ever since Khadim Hossain sacrificed himself for the sake of more rights and justice, his uncle has been paralyzed, and the difficulties in my life have increased tenfold. My children have become like orphans with no caretaker because they are small and there is no one to look after them. Their faces are covered with dust. My husband waits for me to return home and give him a glass of water with a piece of bread. My children are small and have no clue. He cannot take care of his home and his children.

Most brothers and sisters who have lost their loved ones at least have the chance to visit their martyr's graves to calm their hearts. Where can we go? Should I go to Mosala or visit the Martyrs Hill, each of whom has a family and loved one who come to see them? They go through a single pain, whereas I suffer a thousand pains. In the evening, when someone knocks on our door, my heart trembles, and I tell my children to open the door. God is merciful, maybe it could be him, and we could see him again. When the phone rings, I quickly pick it up, hoping it is Khadim Hossain calling. I am stuck in aguish. I may find food for breakfast, but I might not get anything for dinner. And thus, I spend the night and day looking forward to seeing Khadim Hossain again. I am waiting for where God will lead us. Despite all the sorrows, I thank God that I have a healthy body and can work and take Halal food for my family, no matter how much or how little.

When Khadim Hossain was alive, I worked at home since he was working outside and providing for the household. He would help me move his uncle and take him to the doctor. If there was a fatiha and I couldn't attend, I could be confident that Khadim Hussain would attend in our place. He would also participate in other people's happy occasions, and so I felt reassured. Now that he is gone, my sorrows have increased a thousand times.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

His Mother Lost Her Sanity Balance After the Incident

Narrator: Hussain Ali (father)

Victim: Kazim Hakimi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

My son was born in 1988, in the Varas District. He was five years old when we migrated to the Kerman region, a part of Panjaw District in Bamiyan Province. He was very interested in school and we enrolled him in a local school, which he attended up to grade 7. But due to the lack of facilities and shortage of teachers in his school, he started to lose interest.

Subsequently, he voluntarily went to Iran, where he learned the trade of plastering. At 18, he returned to Afghanistan and married the daughter of one of our relatives. They were married for ten years. Almost a year ago, my son came to Kabul from Panjaw and rented a house in western Kabul. He has four little daughters, but life was not kind to him and his family. On the 23rd of July, he participated in the demonstration and lost his life in a brutal attack by some ungodly people.

After the accident and his martyrdom, his mother lost her sanity, her mental balance. According to the doctors, she has developed a neurological disorder. His wife and four kids live a hard life in the same rented house. I have become old and am also going through financial hardship. He was 28-years-old when he was martyred. Losing a young child breaks a person's back. We have all been downhearted since then.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

His Clothes and Face Were Covered in Blood

Narrator: Zaher (uncle)

Victim: Reza Akbari

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

I am Zaher, uncle of the martyred Reza. I was working in Iran and learned through the television that a suicide bomber had attacked protestors in Dehmazang.

My nephew Reza lived with his grandfather. We live separated from my father. When I watched the news, I became agitated. I quickly called my father and asked if anyone from our family, relatives, or friends had participated in the demonstration. My father said everyone was at home except Reza, who had come home but had gone out again around noon to join the demonstrators. “I tried to prevent him from going, but he forcefully left the house and would not listen to me." He added that before leaving the house, he told him, “I participated in the previous demonstration, and nothing happened; this time, too, God willing, nothing will happen.”

About eight months ago, my father assigned Reza to be an apprentice in a car repair shop so that he could stand on his own feet and not be dependent on anyone, learn a trade and provide for his expenses and not be a simple laborer like me. Reza had lost his father in a traffic accident at the age of 8 and had suffered a lot. When my father said that, I got even more worried, hung up the phone, and called my friends and acquaintances. I was apprehensive because Reza was the eldest son of his family. I did not get news until the following day. Finally, on Sunday, my cousin called me at 10:00 am and said, "We found someone in the 400-bed hospital, who looks a lot like Reza, but I don't recognise him. If you have a picture of Reza, send it to me so I can identify him.” I immediately shared his photo. Those were terrible moments. At 11 am, he called me again and said that the body was Reza’s and that he had been killed.

That same day, I went to my employer, got some money, left my following payments unsettled, and immediately left for Afghanistan. About eight months earlier, my brother and I had travelled to Iran for work. None of us have good living conditions. Since Reza's martyrdom, my father and his family's living conditions have deteriorated too. I am now unemployed and not in a good financial situation.

Reza had been born in the province of Bamyan Province, Varas District, Shui Qol Village by Payeen Aab. He had yet to start experiencing the taste of life when troubles afflicted him and his family. Reza lost his father in a car accident and was orphaned at the age of 8. At the time of the accident, his sister was two-years-old and his brother was still in his mother's womb. Following that incident, they lived with their grandfather. Reza studied in his village up to grade 7. He moved to Kabul in 2015, worked as a hawker for a while, and then became an apprentice at an automobile repair shop and learned the job well. Some time ago, he told me, “Uncle! If possible, please tell my grandfather to get me a shop so that I can work independently.” Since I noticed his hard work, I decided to get him a shop in autumn so his business would improve.

On the day of the demonstration, his workplace was closed and he had not gone to work. My father explained to me, “No matter how much I told Reza that he shouldn't participate in the demonstration, he wouldn’t listen to me and went to Dehmazang. When I called Reza, his phone was switched off, and the roads were closed. I kept waiting for him until the evening. After we heard about the suicide bombing, I went out with three other people to look for Reza; we searched everywhere until midnight, but we could not locate him. By early morning, after the prayer, we went out again to look for Reza. We finally found Reza at 10:00 am in the 400-Bed Hospital. He was unidentifiable; his clothes and face were covered in blood. Reza came home but with his eyes shut. He has grieved me, his mother, his little brother, and his sister.” My father now lives with my other brother's family. My brother's financial situation is terrible, and my parents are old. My father is 70.

On the 40th day after the death of the martyrs of the Light Movement, which included Reza, my father was seriously sick for almost a week. He was very distressed by Reza's death and would frequently pass out. I called Mr. Behzad to explain that our situation was not good, and he called Motahari, but my father was given no help. Now, my brother has to provide for nine people. I have been unemployed since I returned from Iran, and I cannot help them. I cannot even care for my own family properly. Losing Reza was painful for all of us. My father continues to shed tears and talk about him, may his memory be a blessing. I have asked Reza's heirs to follow in his footsteps so that his blood was not spilled in vain.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Deh Mazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement and were protesting against the decision that diverted the TUTAP mega power project by bypassing the Hazara-dominated areas. According to multiple sources, nearly 260- 400 people were injured, and at least 97 protesters lost their lives. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the incident. However, the same organization later refuted their involvement in the incident. The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayi-e, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans diverted through bypassing Hazara region. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the group coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

My Son Was Completely Burned and Killed in The First Explosion

Narrator: Khadim Ali (father)

Victim: Bostan Ali Haidari

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

Martyr Bostan was born in Sorkh Parsa district of Parwan province. He was martyred at the age of 23. He finished school in Sorkh Parsa, graduating from Shahid Mortaza High School. He was a decent, friendly and sociable boy. It has been almost seven years since we moved to Kabul. We live in Barchi, Golai Mahtab Qala. Because there were no work opportunities in Parwan Province, he engaged in carpentry after graduating from school. Since the work did not turn out well, we then moved to Kabul. He was still single. Whenever I suggested that it was good to put his life in order and select a spouse, he said he was not ready to get married. He had a calm personality but had good relations with everyone.

His closest friends were martyr Mehr Ali and martyr Rahim, who were also martyred in the same incident. Before martyrdom, they worked in a market; our families used to visit each other. In addition to carpentry, he used to wrestle, and was very interested in athletics. He had been engaged in wrestling for several years. For a month prior to his death, he had participated in the meetings of the Movement. He always went to Mosala. The night before the incident, he cried when he returned home. I asked him why he was sad and crying. He said, “Our activities and efforts failed.” That night, my son and the martyr Mehr Ali went door-to-door to campaign for the July 23rd protest.

They distributed leaflets so people would go to Dehmazang on Saturday and stand up for their rights. The night before, he told us he would participate in the next day’s demonstration. I jokingly said he would do better not to participate, but he firmly stated that he had to be there.

On the day of the incident, he left the house early in the morning, and I followed him at 7 o'clock. He was near Mosala with a small number of people, 15 or 20. Dawood Naji was also there. Noticing me, he said, "Bostan’s dad, you are an elderly man. Please gather a few people to build a larger crowd.” I was holding a flag. By the time we arrived in Pol-e-Sokhta, more people had joined us. We all walked together to Dehmazang. Around noon prayer time, some people and I went to pray at Mohseni mosque, and it was then that the suicide attack happened. I was praying when an intense explosion rocked the seminary building. When I called him, Bostan’s phone was switched off. I believed something terrible must have happened.

One of his sisters lives in Barchi. She called me and said that Bostan was not answering her phone calls. When I returned home at night, I hid it from my family. I told them some protestors were arrested and taken away by security personnel. When I returned to Dehmazang, all the martyrs and wounded were picked up. My son was burned entirely and martyred in the first explosion.

There were a lot of wounded and martyrs. First we went to Esteqlal Hospital, but he was not there. We searched all the hospitals throughout the night but still did not find him. The next day, we went to Sardar Mohammad Dawood Khan Hospital. Two of his friends were there. They knew he was martyred, but they did not tell me anything. They were handing over the martyrs; two boys went in and said my son was there. I received his body at 9 o'clock. The government provided an ambulance. Many of our relatives were there, and with their help we took his body to the mosque. When we brought the martyr's body to the mosque, we showed it to his mother and sisters. I will follow the path and goal of the martyrs until the last drop of my blood. We will participate every time there is a demonstration. His brothers, too, believe that if we remain silent, the martyr’s blood will have been spilled in vain.

Unfortunately, I lost another son in the early days of Karzai's rule. It happened because my son had bought a Mazda vehicle from Herat. On his way to Kabul, robbers blocked his way in Helmand and killed him. After several days of searching, we found his body in a ruined building. Bostan, who was martyred, was my second son. My first son was married, and a year had passed since his wedding. Unfortunately, these days our leaders do not act to support their people; they have remained silent. They did not work on the Martyrs' Hill or pave it. The leaders of the Movement made these promises to the families of the martyrs. They have not done anything so far. Our only request to the Independent Human Rights Commission and the United Nations is to investigate this crime and not to ignore it. We have no expectations of the government because it placed suicide bombers among the demonstrators and killed our youth in order to scare our people and stop the protests. I went to take a lunch break and perform prayer, but did not tell him to take a break as well. Later, two doctors from our hometown said that my son and Mehr Ali had lost their lives in the blast wave, and their bodies were completely burned. He was wearing a camouflage pattern jacket. Only a tiny part was left unburnt. His face and stomach were severely burned.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

Human Flesh Was Everywhere

Narrator: Laila Kazemi (mother)

Victim: Mohammad Jan Kazemi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

My son was 14-years-old. I raised him in poverty. In fact, he had just started working so we were all very happy, especially me and his father. His father used to say, “It's good that I have a big son and like a mountain, he has my back.” When his father would go to a party at night and would not return home or go on a trip, he was confident and would say, "Thankfully, my son has grown up and is there with his four sisters and his mother." For a while we lived in Taimani out of necessity. Poverty forced us to live in places where people consider my son alien. We were there for one year, and my son attended the first grade in one of the schools in Taimani. Then we moved to Guzargah, and I enrolled my son in the Abdul Ali Mostaghni school. His sisters attended the same school as it is for both girls and boys. One day in second grade, my son was walking to school alone and was brutally beaten on the street. Some people dragged him into an alleyway and beat him with an electrical cable. He was not someone who would usually complain. When he came home, he simply said to me, "Mother, I was beaten with electrical wires.” They had attacked him for being a Hazara.

I will never forget the moment he came home with bruises on his face and body, and refused to say who had hit him. After that incident, I transferred him to a different school. I enrolled him in a school near Guzargah where he studied up to the sixth grade. He tried very hard not to be a burden. I always said to myself, “Leila, look at how the difficulties of the world have affected a 14-year-old child!” When he was with us at home, he would empathise and say, “I must work to help my father. How long does he have to work? He gets work one day and has no work the next.”

To be honest, last year, Mohammad Jan had started to burn incense to earn money. He made holes in a can of paste and put esfand seeds in it. It was winter and he said he wanted to earn money by burning incense so he could get his younger sister a pen and notebook. He told us not to worry. I always told him he shouldn't do that as someone might not like incense smoke. I was afraid, God forbid, that people would beat him up again. He told me, “No, mother, I can get my sisters a notebook and pen with the ten Afghani I earn from the incense.” He used to get 20 or 30 Afghanis working and would put it in a piggy bank he had prepared. He kept the piggy bank until the new year. On New Year, when he broke it, he had saved almost two or three hundred Afghanis.

He used the money to buy a pen, a pack of notebooks, and school supplies for his sisters. The only thing he could not buy them was a bag. He reassured them that it was okay, they should not worry, he was going to keep going to school and working in incense smudging [spiritually purifying with incense smoke].

By spring, I would not allow him to continue with incense smudging any more. I told him, “My son, don't go to work. Go to school. You should study.” Just this year, when school started up again, he found a job in a tailoring shop. He came home and said that he found a job. He said he would be a tailor’s apprentice and that his salary would be 100 Afghanis a week. I was very happy and said it was better than being on the streets all day. It was good because it was fun for him and he could spend some of the money he earned on himself. With the money he had saved, he bought pens and notebooks for his little sister, whom he loved very much. He used the money he had earned to buy a birthday cake from Pole-Sorkh for his sister. With the help of his sister, he found a small table, spread a woven tablecloth on it, and celebrated his sister's birthday. Only one video of him is left on the mobile phone, in which he shouts he wants to eat the decorative flower of the cake. He repeats that, laughs, and waves. That beautiful day passed and spring arrived.

At at a young age and with very little money, he had fulfilled his sister's wish and bought her a pen and notebook. He would go to school at 6 am and would return at 10. After that, he would go to the agricultural fields. One day he came home and said, ”Mother, I have found a new job”. I asked what job. He said, “My chief is called Kaka Zalmai. I go to his lands and pick leeks. He gives it to me and wants me to take it to the back alleys to sell it and we will halve the money.” His income level varied. Sometimes he would earn ten or twenty or even fifty Afghanis. With his money, he would buy burgers or boiled eggs and bring them home and eat them together with his little sister. Ramadan passed like this. It must have been my negligence that I let him go. Then I told him not to go to the fields anymore, saying “You are still very young and not old enough to take responsibility for the household.” He was still trying to earn that little extra money. He would always do his work on time and was never lazy. He tried hard to earn even a small income to help his father, and did not stay idly at home. I did not have my dream come true. I have cursed this unjust world that has influenced a child in such a way that he felt he must work and thought about ways to earn some halal [legal] money. I always told him, “My son, pursue your studies so that you can achieve your dream.” He always said, "Mother, I am studying, then I want to join the National Army." I also encouraged him by saying that serving in the Army was good and it was an honorable decision that in the future he wanted to keep people safe and secure.

He had a pair of pants with camouflage patterns. He liked them very much, and would always wear them, and took good care of them. I still have many memories of him in my mind and heart. He was very fond of football. On the day before he was martyred, he slept from 10:00 am to 1:00 pm. When his sisters came home from school at 1 o'clock, I called him, “Mohammad Jan, wake up my son, your sisters are home”. On that day, he asked one of his sisters to cook rice for him, as he only wanted to eat rice. His sister cooked the rice, and I am happy my son did not leave home hungry or thirsty. That day, he ate two plates of rice and drank two glasses of water. Going out of the house, he had a green handkerchief around his neck. I did not see him but his sisters said he smiled when he left the house. Before he left the house, I had said to him, "Mohammed Jan, where are you going? The situation today is not good, and God forbid there could be a suicide attack.” I even locked the gate and put the key out of reach, fearing he might go outside to play football. He wanted to get out through the roof-top. Our roof is connected to the roof of the neighbor's house, and Mohammad Jan wanted to get out through their bathroom. The girls told me, “Mother, Mohammad Jan has put up the ladder and wants to leave the house through the roof.” That day, I was very sick and my blood pressure was high. That's why I was sleeping. I work as a janitor at the local mosque. Mohammad Jan took the key from where I had put it. I noticed him and said, “Where are you going, my son?” He said, “Mother, please let me go play football with my friends today.” I said “My son, your friends are not there today.” But he said, “If my friends are there, I will go and play football with them.” He even told me the names of his friends and said, “If they don't go to play football, we will just gather in the alleyway and talk together for a while.”

We live near a grassy field, and that’s where he went. Once there, he did not find his friends. Someone told him, “The Hazaras are demonstrating in Dehmazang. Aren't you a Hazara? Why are you walking around here?” He was a very daring boy, and on the suggestion of this person, he did go to Dehmazang. The moment he arrived there, the explosion happened. I felt like the glass of the room broke over my head. I quickly got up and ordered my daughters to go and see in the alley to find out where the boy was. The poor girls were afraid and checked the alley, but Mohammad Jan was not there. I put on my clothes and went to Dehmazang in a pair of flip-flops. No matter how much I looked for Mohammad Jan, I couldn't find him. It was horrible; human flesh was everywhere. I saw everything except the hands and feet. At that time, I could not understand anything because of fear, sorrow, and shock. I was just running here and there; I did not even notice a camera next to me. Later, my daughters said they had seen me on TV, running around like a crazy person who had lost her mind.

As I was searching desperately, I thought about the pieces of cloth thrown over the dead bodies. The tents of the demonstrators were lying on the street. I couldn't believe that these were pieces of human flesh, covered by a simple piece of cloth. I didn't even comprehend whether these were stones or lumps of flesh. When I passed by them, I wasn't in a normal state at all. I didn't know whether I was on the ground or in the sky. I was just running here and there, completely distraught. As I searched for my son, I started at the Esteqlal Hospital. I searched all the hospitals around Dehmazang, but I couldn’t find Mohammad Jan. I finally found him at the Wazir Mohammad Akbar Khan Hospital at 11:00 PM.

Martyrdom must have been his fate. I always thank God for trusting me with the gift of a son, and I gave the gift back to him. I say to my God that he made the son of a mosque janitor meet martyrdom. I am sure he has not forgotten us. As the mother of martyr Mehr Ali says, I thank God that my son was not killed on a bad path, God forbid, for theft or adultery. He was the son of a mosque janitor and a labourer. My son had not even reached the age of prayer and had never sinned. God accepted this gift from me. But I will never forget that day and night when I had only one thousand Afghanis. I took 500 and his father took another 500. I was tormented by the idea of burying my son in such poverty and neediness in front of other people. So I borrowed seven thousand Afghanis from someone to prepare my son's shroud and coffin. I went to someone and pleaded, “For the sake of God, give me a loan to bury my son. I will pay your loan back as soon as possible.” May God bless him, he gave me the money and I used it for my son’s burial.

I will never forget the ill treatment by the staff of Wazir Muhammad Akbar Khan Hospital during my visit there. As I went there to identify my son's body, the person in charge of the morgue was opening and closing the mortuary cabinets so angrily that I lost my strength. I was overwhelmed with sorrow and I asked him to stop that behavior. I told him, “Those are the pieces of bodies of the martyrs, why are you acting like that? They, too, are the children of Muslims. So, open and close the cabinets slowly and with respect. Imagine yourself as the parents and family member of one of these martyrs. Is it right that you are behaving like this?” He didn't say anything. I found my dear Mohammad there. I brought him home alone with great sadness and with the help of his father, we bathed him. No matter how much I washed his head, the blood would not go away. His head was so badly hurt. With tears, sighs, moans, and sadness, I covered his head with plastic to prevent blood from spilling. Then I put cotton on it to reduce the flow of blood. We buried him alone and in loneliness. Our government is responsible for this great crime.

Khalili and Mohaqeq, who shamelessly encouraged the people and the youth [to participate in this protest], are the main perpetrators of this crime. They traded the lives of our innocent and educated youth and should be punished for their conduct. They must know that the curse of all of us is upon them. Now, everyday when it is the end of the school day for Muhammad Jan, the only thing I can do out of sadness is to pray for him. Even my little daughter sometimes tells me how much Muhammad is missed everywhere, at eating time, at the table. My tears are flowing, but I talk of my son as a martyr and as eternal, so that my husband does not feel too sad and to boost his spirits. Physically, my son is no longer with us, but his memory will last forever and he sees us. We must pray for him to rest in peace.

But the one thing that always bothers me is that I had dreamed of buying Mohammad Jan new clothes, which would have made him happy. This dream of mine is shattered now, with Mohammad Jan gone. I will never forget that Mohammad Jan never once tried on new clothes. He always helped and supported us as if he were an adult. He was concerned about his family's difficult financial situation. He worked so that his little sister was able to study and has a pen and notebook for school.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

There Were 18 Bullet Wounds on His Body

Narrator: Parimah (mother)

Victim: Qurban Ali Ahmadi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

I am the mother of the martyr Qurban Ali. He was a hard-working, decent boy who had laboring jobs. He was almost seven when I first sent him to school. After a while, he said, “Mom, I can't continue going to school because I am the son of a poor family, and I have to provide for our living expenses so our life will get a little better.” One day, he didn't come home on time. I looked everywhere but I couldn't find him.

Back then, we lived in Chindawol. I suddenly saw him sweeping in front of a shop near the Behzad cinema. I went to him and asked him what he was doing there. He said, “I have become an apprentice here.” He worked at the same shop for nine years. The shop owner was from Sheikh Ali. He was a charming and kind person. For almost nine years, he did metalwork in his shop. He had mastered the job, was working in different places, and kept telling me that I should get him a shop so that he could start his own business. But I told him he couldn't run the business alone because the rent on the property was high, we could not afford the payment, and he could lose money. So he worked with his elder brother. It had taken us a lot of effort to arrange my eldest son’s marriage. Life used to be good at that time, to some extent. Then, after being married two years, my eldest son's wife died. A year later, my husband passed away. After that, the problems followed one after the other.

As my eldest son, Qurban Ali, grew older, he became quite successful in his profession. He used to make and sell doors and rails. As a result of all his hard work, our living conditions improved. One day, I told him, “Only God knows how long I will live. So let me get you married!” I continued and asked him, “How long do you think you can live in your brother's house? It may not work out for much longer." He didn't say anything. So I decided to mortgage my land in my hometown, cashed in my savings, and borrowed two hundred thousand Afghanis from the bank. With the total amount, I managed to get him married. For a year, we lived with Qurban Ali. Then I made my sons go and live separately. I distributed the debt between them. One of my sons got a house in Chindawol, and the other lived in a different place. I was living with Qurban Ali. He worked and provided for household expenses and continued paying his debt. He always said, “I wish to pay off my debts and then send my mother to Karbala [pilgrimage] because she has worked hard for me since I was a child. Later I will rent a house so that we can all live comfortably [together].” But now, how sad it is that he has gone before his own mother. He has left me alone. I am grateful to have two more sons, but no one can fill the void he left behind.

On the day of the incident, I wanted to go to my other son Mohammad Ali's house. I told Qurban Ali to go to work, but he said he wanted to go and join the demonstration. I told him, “It is none of your business; go to work.” He told me, “I participated in the first demonstration. Last time, they placed containers on our way. I climbed up on top of one of the containers and took photos of people taking part in the demonstration.” I said, “Have you gone nuts? Why did you climb up on top of a container? How is all this even your business?” No matter how much I insisted, he would not agree. I asked him to call me and update me as soon as he got there. As I left for Barchi, I noticed the road was closed. I turned around and went to Mohammad Ali's house via another road, Chehl Soton Road. There is a mosque near Mohammad Ali's house, where I performed prayer before having lunch.

Mohammad Ali’s wife was cracking almonds, and I helped her by separating out the kernel of the almonds from the cracked shells. We forgot all about the demonstration. Suddenly I remembered that Qurban Ali was supposed to be taking part in the rally, so I picked up the phone and called him. His coworker, a Sunni man, had named him Hasib. I called and asked him, “Where are you, Hasib, my love?” He said, "I am in Dehmazang, don't worry!” and I continued working. I never imagined a suicide bomber would get into the demonstration and that my son would be martyred. In fact, I even asked my eldest son why he was not in the demonstration. He told me, “Mom, the roads are closed, so that's why I am staying home.”

I must have gone insane that day! One of my sons was killed, he was martyred, and there I am encouraging the other to go to the same demonstration! The landlord's son told my other son that there had been an explosion in Dehmezang. For a moment, I felt as if I had fallen to the ground from high in the sky. It was like my heart was being squeezed. I kept calling Qurban, but he did not pick up his phone. I told my eldest son that Qurban was in Dehmezang, and called him again, but again he did not answer the call. My eldest son said: "Mother, you worry too much. A suicide attack has happened in Dehmezang. He must be busy helping the wounded and martyrs because many people have died. Qurban Ali will be fine."

When Mohammad Ali and I called again, neither of us received an answer. I was losing my senses, I was so worried. I told Mohammad Ali that I had to go to Dehmazang myself. I left the house and went to Pol-e Khoshk. When I got there, one of my relatives saw me and asked me where I was going. I explained that Hasib had joined in the demonstration and that after the explosion, he wasn’t answering our calls. My relative told me, “Do not worry. Go back home and I’ll go get him.” He took my phone. I don’t know why, maybe he knew that Hasib had been killed. I came out of the house several times between three and six o'clock. I was standing at Pol-e Khoshk bus station and intended to go to the mosque and pray. Up to that moment, I did not remember that I had to perform prayer. I was just wandering around full of anxiety. A mother would prefer to be buried herself than to see her young child die before her.

At that exact moment, I saw another relative, named Ismail, passing by. I ran after him but could not catch up with him. He went into mosque and I entered the mosque but could not see anyone inside. I came out and noticed three relatives approaching me. One of them, named Sarwar, was not feeling well. I asked what had happened to him. He said he had been slightly injured. I asked him if he knew where Hasib was. He said he was coming with Muhammad Ali.

Women have no other resort. That's why I started crying. I was slapping myself and crying. They took me home. When I opened the gate of the house, I saw my niece clapping hands and saying, “What are we going to say to Hasib's mother?” As soon as I heard her saying that, I broke down, slapping my face and pulling my hair, and that’s when I noticed Qurban Ali’s dead body. I was unable to stand. They took him to the mosque and bathed him. Blood was flowing from the stream in front of the mosque.

My other son sat next to me and said, “Mom, please don't cry, calm down.” Eighteen bullet wounds could be seen on Qurban Ali's body. The bone on one side of his head was missing. His hair was stuck to one side of his head, and his leg was broken. It was 10 p.m., and the blood continued flowing from Qurban Ali's body. With all the shops closed, there was no cloth to make a burial shroud. There wasn't even plastic to stop the bleeding. Since the bleeding did not stop, they brought lime from outside and put it on the wounds, but no matter how much lime they put on the wound, the bleeding would not stop. As an ultimate solution to stop bleeding, they mixed cotton with lime and placed it on the wounds, and the wounds were then wrapped in a plastic sheet.

There was no cloth to make a shroud. May God bless my cousin; he brought a shroud. It was 11 pm, and the relatives who had gathered in our house said that it was not possible to bury the body at this time; they would take the body home for that night and bury him the next day. When we wanted to take my son's body home, the landlord would not allow us to take the martyr’s body into the house. So we had to bury him at 11 p.m. that same night.

We returned home at 2 am. I had nothing at home to feed people with. My son was a decent and virtuous man. May God never make any mother grieve for her young child and, for the sake of Imam Hossein, never let any family be dishonored.

Now that he is dead, his children are left without a guardian and his wife has left for her father's house. She was my niece, and her parents took her back to their hometown. The young daughter of my son is now living with me. I am sixty years old, and I take care of his daughter.

I am facing many problems, and I cannot bear the burden alone. I pray for Afghanistan to become peaceful so that I can earn a legitimate income and raise my granddaughter. I raised my son in poverty, but unfortunately he left me alone in my old age and rested in peace himself. One of my sons was killed at 18 during the war under Baba Mazari’s command. I have suffered a lot.

People’s young sons and daughters were martyred. Dehmazang had become a battle-zone in Karbala. It must have been God's will for my other child to be martyred. Once again, God put me to a tough test. I pray to live long enough to witness little Fatima grow up. She is one and a half years old now. I am apprehensive and believe that if I die, Fatima will be helpless. She will have no one to take care of her. The unknown fate of Fatima is as sad as all the sorrows of my life put together, and so is the grief of losing my son. I am just forever grateful to be alive so I can care for this innocent child. Wherever I go, she comes with me and starts crying when she is away from me.

I pray to God to have mercy on us for the sake of this innocent child. Amen.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

His Goal Was to Raise His Voice for Justice and Peace

Narrator: Mahdi (grandson of uncle)

Victim: Enayatullah Asil Tahmasi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

I am the grandson of martyr Enayatullah Asil's uncle. His immediate family lives in Ghazni. Because they could not participate in the Memory Box program, I consider it my duty to participate. Enayatullah was born in 1997. He completed his secondary education at Kariz Patu school, in Jaghori District of Ghazni Province. When he passed the university entrance exam, he got a good mark and was admitted to the Faculty of Journalism. He was only in his first semester when death took away his dreams. He was a very active and sociable person. He had won many awards during his school time. He was going to send me his biography, but unfortunately, he was martyred and his death made us all sad. He always believed that one should work hard and fight for their rights. His only intention in participating in this peaceful demonstration was to raise his voice for justice and peace. So many people like him sacrificed their lives for this cause. We follow in their footsteps so that their blood is not spilled in vain.

Enayatullah's life was full of ups and downs. He was not yet born when his father went to Iran and then Europe. He stayed there for ten years, but could not get citizenship, so he returned to Afghanistan. Then his father moved to Europe again, and it was when he was in Europe that his father heard of Enayatullah’s success. He was very proud. When he heard about his son's martyrdom, he couldn't bear it and returned to Afghanistan. He suffered a lot; Enayatullah was his father's only hope. Nothing could console him or heal his pain. Thanks to the Afghanistan Human Rights and Democracy Organization for providing this opportunity to share our painful stories with others. We must remember to never give up and follow in the steps of the righteous martyrs.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

He Became a Victim of The Injustice of Our Corrupt Government

Narrator: Salman Ali Haidari (father)

Victim: Javid Haidari

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

My child was born in the village of Alghu-e Haidar in Jaghori District in Ghazni Province. Since childhood, my son has been very interested in getting an education. He was enrolled in and graduated from the Faiz Mohammad Kateb School in Jaghori District. Approximately five years ago, he started coming to Kabul for education. In the summer, he would go to Jaghori for his school programs, and in the winter, he would return to Kabul to prepare for the university entrance exam and learn English.

A man raises his child, having thousands of hopes and dreams, and struggles to help his kid achieve success, but his dreams and achievements can be shattered in the blink of an eye. It is very difficult for a person to lose his young child. One can only be patient and not protest God’s will.

He graduated from school last year and was successfully enrolled in the aviation department of the military university. My son’s enrollment in university was announced just a few days before the incident. He was informed he must register within three days to be allowed to attend classes. His university was located within the Kabul airport campus. Then the Dahmazang incident happened and shattered all my son’s dreams. I buried my youth.

He studied hard and dreamed of graduating from the military department and serving his people and country. My family and I moved to Kabul almost three years ago to live in tranquility with my son. In addition to his studies, he also played sports and was very fond of football. He was a sociable and well-mannered young man who participated in the Movement programs and believed in equal rights for people. Given the dire security situation, I forbade him from attending Movement meetings. He responded, “Dad, if I don’t take part and somebody else is afraid for their safety, who else will defend our rights and advocate for the oppressed?” On the day of the incident, I called Jawid at 11 o’clock, and updated him about Khalili and Mohaqeq’s withdrawal. I asked him where he was. He sounded sad, and said, “I am in Dehmazang, don’t worry about me, and please don’t call me again. I am fine, nothing will happen.”

Before the July 23rd demonstration, he would always say: “Hazaras are an oppressed and suffering community, and the government is trying to deny the rights of Hazaras. We shall not remain silent. We need to stand up and fight for the rights of our people.” In response, I said those words were precious to me, but in this country, to seek one’s rights comes at the cost of one’s life, so he would do better to look after his own life and his education, and avoid putting himself in harm’s way. But he insisted and said, “Dad, it doesn’t matter if our problems are not addressed today. Maybe the next generations will benefit from our advocacy and action because they will, at least, realize that we fought for justice.”

Some time ago, I spoke with my son and said we wanted to select a good girl for him to marry and start his life. He told me, “Dad, now is not the right time, I have many plans, and I had better address my personal and educational problems first.” All he was concerned about was education, but he became a victim of the injustice of our corrupt government. I gave my young son to the earth and to God. As long as I live, this sorrow will not be lifted from my heart.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

No statement

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

It Is Our People’s Right to Have Electricity

Narrator: Nasrin (wife)

Victim: Amir Mohammad Rahimi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

In the name of God,

I am Nasrin, the wife of the martyr Amir Mohammad. I have 5 children, two girls and three boys. We come from Bamiyan Province, in the district of Shibar, from Shanbal Village. We currently live in Kabul. Amir Mohammad was 45-years-old when he was martyred. However, I found out his age was recorded as older than that on his Tazkira (National ID Card).

Hamed, The Martyr’s Son:

My father was born in Kabul in 1970. He attended the Asif Mayil High School in Qala Nazer up to the 12th grade. My father had very good manners and morals and always encouraged us to do good deeds.

The Martyr's wife:

He studied up to the 12th grade. After that, he did not continue with his studies because of his difficult financial situation, and he started working. Sixteen years had passed since our marriage. He behaved very well with everyone and was a sociable and friendly person. He was very benevolent and calm. At home, he treated me and my children well. He always told us that we should defend our rights. Before the 23rd July demonstration, he would go to Mosala to participate in social events, especially those related to the Movement. He used to participate in the early meetings of the Movement and when he came home, he would talk about the right of our people. He used to say: “Electricity is a right of our people and we will stand up against the government if it violates our rights.”

He was self-employed. In the winter season, he worked with his cousin who had a store, selling Turkish stoves in Qala-e Nazer. My husband was literate and his cousin was illiterate, that's why he managed the finances of his cousin’s store. His cousin was the store owner and Amir Mohammad managed the store’s financial affairs. His dream was for his children to get an education. He was always kind at home and believed that there should not be a tense environment at home when life was already so difficult. When the issue of the 23rd July demonstration came up, I did not consent to him going to Dehmazang. I told him I did not want him taking part in the demonstration because an attack might happen. He answered, “We belong to this land and it is the right of our people to have access to electricity. We must defend the rights of our people and stand up against injustice.”

Hamed, The Martyr’s Son:

At first, it was decided that he would not go and take part in the demonstration. We tried to prevent my father from going, but his enthusiasm and his love for the people made him go to Dehmazang. We were watching the Dehmzang demonstration live on TV when the suicide attack happened. We immediately called my father to know where he was. He said he was in Dehmzang and had been injured. He was taken to Imam Ali Hospital. We got to the hospital. Since it was very crowded at this hospital and it was not possible for the staff to take care of all the patients, we transferred him to the Imam Zaman Hospital in Barchi.

The Martyr's wife:

His back was wounded, but he was not hurt severely. When we took him to the Imam Zaman Hospital, the doctor could not operate on him properly. At first, we didn't notice anything. But after a few days, his condition worsened. He suddenly had a seizure. We took him to the Rahel Hospital. They explained that all the fluid in his head was leaking into his body, and this was causing a problem with the lack of fluid in his brain. He was operated on again, but did not recover. The bullet had hit his back, but his spinal cord was not hurt.

Hamed, The Martyr’s Son:

First, we took him to Naser Khosrow Hospital. They told us there was a good specialist at the Imam Zaman Hospital in Barchi who could operate on the wounded, that's why we took him there and the doctor at this hospital operated on him.

The Martyr's wife:

When we visited him, Amir Mohammad said, "A police pick-up truck came in Dehmazang and I got on the back of the truck.” There were other wounded with him and that is how he got to the hospital.

Hamed, The Martyr’s Son:

At that time, his condition was not so serious. His legs were hurt, one leg was fractured, but it was not severe. In the Square, he wanted to find my cousin who was there at the demonstration, but he could not find him, and so he managed to get into the pick-up truck and get to hospital.

The Martyr's wife:

We took him to another hospital. Following the surgical operation, his legs stopped moving. Before the first operation, his leg was simply fractured due to the blast that had thrown him onto the ground. The doctor was dishonest; he didn't tell us before the operation that he didn't have the ability to perform the surgery. It would have been better if we could have transferred him to a better hospital or take him to Pakistan or India for the operation. After the operation, Amir Mohammad remained in a coma for four days. He never again opened his eyes. He repeatedly had seizures, and his brain fluid leaked through his back. He was hospitalized for four days in Rahel Hospital.

Hamed, The Martyr’s Son:

Preparations were made for taking him to India; we wanted to take him abroad for treatment, but he died before that could happen.

The Martyr's wife:

After my husband’s martyrdom/death, I went to the doctor to file a complaint. I asked him why he had performed such a critical operation when he lacked the know-how. He had nothing to say. When he met me, he held his head down; he was clearly embarrassed. I said to the doctor that he should have told us to take him to India or Pakistan for treatment. “Why did you do something that was beyond your ability?” Every time he examined my husband, he said, “It is okay, let this fluid come out of his body, because this is pus.” White fluid like milk came out of his back. Sometimes he could not straighten himself up easily; his back could sometimes not move. My husband died because of the negligence of this doctor. His leg was slightly fractured in the incident, and if the operation had not been done in that hospital, he could still be alive today.

I will never forgive this doctor because he ruined our life. After my husband’s martyrdom, my brother-in-law has been helping us because my son has to go to school; he can’t work. Now we have no other choice. God took my husband from us and we cannot do anything other than remain patient.

I ask the government to pay attention to the families of the Martyrs. The independent human rights commission should investigate this crime. My children are all young; my youngest son is just three years old. Now they are helpless. Their uncle can only help us for one year. The economic situation in the entire country is already bad without one family having to support another family for a long time. Since my children are young, I can't work and leave them alone. So, if there is any sewing or embroidery opportunity that I can do from home, I will definitely start working. My children must get an education and have a bright future.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

No Statement

On October 24, 2020, around 4:30 p.m., a suicide bomber detonated an explosive device inside the Kawsar-e Danish Educational Center in the western area of Kabul City's PD-13 neighbourhood in the Pol-e-Khoshk District. The educational institute provided coaching for high school students preparing for university entrance exams. The attack resulted in the deaths of at least 43 students. 72 others were injured. The attack occurred in a primarily Hazara neighbourhood in Dasht-e-Barchi; the majority of students attending the tuition centre were Hazara. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (IS-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

Employ Every Possible Means to Save My Child

Narrator: Mahdi Valizada (father)

Victim: Rohullah Qayyumi

Date of Incident: 24 Oct 2020

Location of Incident: District 13, Kabul City, Pul-e Khokh, Dasht Barchi, Kausar Danesh Educational Center

My name is Mohammad Mahdi, the father of martyr Ruhollah Qayoumi, who lost his life in the incident at Kawsar Danesh. On the occasion of Ruhollah's martyrdom, I would like to share some details about his life. In the beginning, he attended school in Daimirdad Zimeni Village of Jalriz District in Maidan Wardak Province. He attended Ismail Khel School. Our village is called Daimirdad Zimeni. However, due to frequent conflicts between the Taliban and the government, his education was disrupted. Until security checkpoints were installed, he would attend school for some days but would miss it for several more days. Looking at the situation, I concluded he would not benefit from schooling there. Despite going through tough economic conditions, I transferred my two kids – Marty Rohullah and Moqtada – to Tamadon, a private school. They studied there for several years. While Moqtada graduated and enrolled in university, Rohullah decided to pursue 12th grade at a public school.

Rohullah attended Abdur Rahim Shahid school and wanted to enroll in tuition centers. Then, the [COVID-19] quarantine began. He moved to Behsud. For a period of two or three months, he worked at a bee farm alongside his brother. They had a bee farm in Behsud. When the quarantine measures were lifted and tuition centers resumed teaching, he returned and enrolled in a center. We never asked him about the timing or location of his studies. He said he attended two or three centers. He would take different classes at different hours and would go to the library afterward. He would study in the library; I had no idea about that. He would leave home in the morning and only return by evening. I asked him once, "You leave early in the morning without having breakfast, do you take lunch?" He replied that he did not. I insisted, "No, I won't allow you to study on an empty stomach. It's not good to be harsh with yourself."

So, I visited the market, accompanied by his sister. We purchased a lunch box for him. I wanted to buy a food container for him so that he could take a portion of the dinner the next morning, ensuring he had something to eat throughout the day. He would frequently visit this market, as one of his classmates, Martyr Mahdi, held a stall there. He was making a lot of effort; he would often urge me to work together. He used to say, “You worked hard for me; I want to become self-reliant.” He was getting an education. Apart from the quarantine period when he worked with his brother on the bee farm in the second part of Behsud, he did not engage in any other work. He graduated from Tamadon School that same year and moved there to take tuition courses in this center. I didn't visit this place since I work as a driver and had no knowledge of his study location. He would come home in the evening. In the mornings, he sometimes had breakfast before attending his classes. I never saw him wandering around in the streets.

He came to study at Kausar Danesh, and one day... two or three days ago, called to say his nephew had brought some mung beans from Behsud. Three days ago, he called me and asked, "Where is Aman? I need to go see him to receive the beans.” I told him, "Go to Shohada intersection, Bikh Tepe Market, get his number, and call him." That was his last call until today. Eventually, I went to Dareh Souf. It was around evening in Dareh Souf and I was standing with my friends in an area called Pesh-e Hamam. They knew what had happened. My nephew was with me; he was informed of the attack on the education center. Someone had called him. I was preparing dinner and chatting with my friend. I was eating and talking but food remained in the bowl. He never touched the food. I was unaware of the events. I was at the tire mechanic shop for dinner. After the dinner, they all said, "Let's go to Peshe Hamam.” It was very cold. Once in Peshe Hamam, I parked the vehicle facing the wall. I told them it was warm and we had to sleep there and get on the road the next morning. My nephew turned around in front of me and opened the door. I got mad at him and criticized him for his driving style. He got into the car. At the same moment, the night guard came and asked for the fee.

I noticed that my nephew was looking unwell. He paid my fee, looked up at me, and said, "Uncle..." He explained that there had been a suicide explosion at Rohullah’s tuition center. His words shook me to the core. I asked him, “Where is my child? Is he okay?" He replied, "No, he's injured, he's wounded.” I called my brother, Dr. Amin, to ask what was going on. He told me that Rohullah was injured and had been transferred to Imam Zaman Hospital. My mind stopped working. I told him, “Brother, employ every means possible to save my child." I told him I would give away all my possessions to ensure my child received treatment. I immediately headed towards Kabul at night. The phone signal was completely lost. I made it here.

I needed to head straight to Kabul, but it was already 9 pm, and there were no cars in this remote place. My nephew, a friend, and I started calling people to find a car. They finally found one.

There are two routes, one of which passes through the Taliban-controlled area. At this time of night, the Taliban might cause trouble. Another option is to go through Dare Souf and then Sheikh. We traveled through Kotel Qaraei and arrived at Bazar Sokhta. It was between midnight and one o'clock in the morning when we arrived there. When we reached Bazar Sokhta, we got another car at midnight, and we arrived in Mazar-Sharif. From Mazar-Sharif, we boarded a Corolla and made our way to Kabul.

When the calls came in from Kabul, they didn't reach me directly. Instead, they spoke to my cousin. As we were en-route, they repeatedly called to inquire about our whereabouts. Eventually, we arrived at Kotal-e Khairkhana. However, upon assessing the heavy traffic congestion, we decided to change, took a detour through Paghman, and eventually arrived in Kampany, where our house is located.

As I entered the front yard, I was taken aback to see my son lying beneath the tree. At that moment, I couldn't understand my surroundings. My other sons approached me and embraced me. Then, his uncle arrived. I noticed the condition of his feet. I hugged him, but I couldn't recall what happened afterward. One of my children picked me up. I was in pieces. Ruhollah's leg had been badly hurt, and his head sustained significant injuries. His body and face remained intact but were marked by numerous shrapnel wounds.

My cousin, Mr. Zamani, suggested going to Martyrs' Hill. My brothers, too, suggested burying Ruhollah on the Martyrs' Hill. But I wanted Ruhollah to be buried with his grandfathers, all buried in Maidan. I wanted to take my child to Maidan, but the route to Maidan was closed. So, we decided to go off the main road and took his body to Maidan.

So, that is how I received the news. I had never seen Kausar Danesh, its whereabouts, and where he studied. The incident here, I don’t know how and when it happened. I don’t recall the exact time or date of the incident. We took the body to Maidan and buried it there.

I have three sons and one daughter. I am 44-years-old. Ruhollah's mother has foot pain and a herniated disc. He was 19-years-old. At that age, he would wake up at night to massage his mother's feet when she was in pain. He was so kind. I used to get up [and ask him] what he was doing, and he would reply that his mother's foot was hurting. He would continue massaging until ten o'clock at night. Ruhollah's remarkable behavior will forever remain in our hearts.

He would stay up until midnight or even later to study, with his cup of tea and a book by his side. We would tell him to eat his food, he would say ok, he would eat it later. He would take a sip from his cup and resume studying. He was not the kind of boy wandering in the streets.

He had awareness of everything around him and courageously continued his studies in Maidan. He was not facing threats in Maidan. Our neighborhood, in the Jalriz district, consists of 30 houses of Hazara people. There is a group of Pashtun people living around us. Ruhollah had courage and in his studies, showed great talent, surpassing his brothers. The poor boy studied there until the sixth or seventh grade before he had to come to Kabul.

He was properly taught in grades six or seven. One day, the institute teacher summoned me during biannual exams and expressed concerns about his academic progress. I explained that it was not his fault; the ongoing war had disrupted his education, and Ruhollah would miss a month of classes. With great determination, he advanced his studies and enrolled in the Abdul Rahim Shahid School. Attending the educational center was the culmination of his relentless hard work.

He expressed a strong desire to become independent. One of his remarkable aspirations was to alleviate his mother's severe leg pain. He would say, "Mother, no matter what happens, I will be your doctor. Don't worry, I'll take care of you." Every morning at five o'clock, he would leave home, hungry and thirsty, and return by five o'clock at the end of the day. Tragically, on the day he was martyred, none of us were present at home, except for his uncles; his brothers were in Maidan where they were stranded because of road closures. His uncles, relatives, and friends gathered and took his body home. None of us were here.

Now, I am constantly on the lookout, and when the time comes for me to return home, I find myself reluctant to do so. This reveals the immense difficulty I face in living without Ruhollah, this is particularly the case for his mother. Even now, at home, I repeatedly reassure her that everything happened according to God's will and that it was his destiny to become a martyr. However, she cannot fully accept it; all her thoughts continue to revolve around him. She points to her fingers and remarks that although they may be different, they are still the same, just like our children. She reminisces about how he used to wake up and massage her feet. I can't recall ever waking up to massage my own mother's feet. If you saw my eldest child, you would notice his posture is hunched over; his sister also appears hunched, and Ruhollah's mother even more so. We have become consumed by thoughts of him, and all other matters have faded away. In the evenings, when it gets late, our eyes remain fixed on the door, eagerly awaiting Rohullah's return. He was a young man filled with patience. When his older brother was getting angry, he would remind him, "Our parents too are human beings with souls; you can do it yourself." He never issued commands to others; instead, he was a patient and understanding child.

I faced significant financial constraints. Despite the scorching heat, my son would walk from Bagh Dawood in Kampany to Tamadon school because we couldn't afford to buy him a bicycle. In those challenging circumstances, I raised him but unfortunately, heartless oppressors deprived him of his life. Our economic situation was incredibly fragile, to the extent that even purchasing a bicycle was beyond our means. I chose to send my children to Tamadon school because I believed they would receive a better education compared to public schools. I am grateful to his excellent teachers, and may God bless them for their encouragement and support. He continued to achieve greater success over time. Within the educational center, he stood out as one of the top-performing students in his class. His determination and courage were remarkable, but tragically, God took him away from us. Ruhollah had a distinctive approach to his studies. He would not lose focus or engage in leisure activities and remained dedicated to his education.

He would often say, "Dad, I can't express enough how much you've done for us." Let me share another story. He had an uncle who was killed during the attack on the Enlightenment Movement rally. That uncle had left the university to go home, but then he decided to join the protest. He took part in the Enlightenment Movement rally. At that time, he was a second-year student in the Computer Science faculty. Rohullah had a strong affection for his uncle and had a close bond with him, unlike others who only showed superficial love for their uncles. His uncle's name was Shafiqullah Zamani, and he was martyred during the attack in Demazang.

One day, as we sat together at home, he gazed at his uncle's picture and asked me, "Dad, my uncle was so... will anyone else reach this level?" It was a memorable moment. It was his fate to become martyred. He believed that not everyone could attain such a noble position, as to be martyred. I heard him saying that. And he attained that position himself.

His mother is not feeling well due to back pain. She stays indoors for twenty-four hours. We have a little child named Muslim. Since Ruhollah's martyrdom, he no longer sits in the yard. My older son stays with his mother for a maximum of two days and then calls me, saying he can't stay any longer. His mother remains in mourning and sadness, her thoughts always filled with memories of Ruhollah. I remind her that everything that comes from God. He sacrificed his life for the sake of God. He was an innocent student who became a martyr, a privilege granted to only a few. However, the weight of this grief is heavy upon us. It's particularly challenging for his mother because I am away. Whenever I return home, I find her gazing at his photos on the wall. We have a basement and an upper floor, but I don't let her spend too much time there. My children have mobile phones, and sometimes I ask them to show me photos of Rohullah. However, they have hidden them and don't show them to his mother. Ruhollah's absence is a profound and enduring pain for all of us.

Until this day, no government institution has reached out to us or offered any condolences. We have visited the educational center multiple times, hoping to establish a memorial for our children. However, our requests have gone unanswered. As the father of the martyr Ruhollah, I have not received any communication or support from the government. It is disheartening to see how little value human life holds in present-day Afghanistan. Look at the martyrs of Sayed ul-Shohada, they seem to have been forgotten. They treat us as if our children did not exist. I want to talk about the safety measures at this educational center. Why was there negligence? Why didn't they ensure security in the first place? Are there any security cameras? What really concerns me is that there is no public access road and you can see the suicide bomber easily reaching the center of this alley. How did they allow him to reach the middle of the alley? We are deeply upset about this. Who is to blame for this indifference? Is it the students, the teachers, or the government? We feel let down. After the incident, the educational center put up barriers. They are well-known, but they didn't learn from the Mawud Center incident. They were aware of the high risk. And now they have dug trenches. What is the purpose of this? It doesn't alleviate people's pain. Now we plead with the government to ensure our security.

Those responsible must be apprehended and held accountable for their actions. There is something suspicious going on, and it is clear to everyone in Afghanistan, including you and me. We strongly advocate for justice to be served, no matter how much time passes or how the government changes. We will persist in our pursuit of justice until the end. If justice is not served, our only choice is to be patient and trust in God.

It would bring us great relief if we could have a memorial in the right location, a place where we can find solace and ease our pain. Our children sacrificed their lives here, their blood was shed. We desperately need something to remember them by, to honor their bravery. The martyrs of Kawsar Danesh must always be remembered, be it through a monument, a minaret, or even a library. We humbly request the government to provide us with a plot of land where we can establish a library. Our hearts ache with sorrow, as we have lost our beloved children, and a part of our souls remains shattered. We seek a place that can bring solace to our wounded hearts. This memorial will serve as a lasting tribute to their memory. Regrettably, both the government and the educational center have neglected our pleas. We value education and knowledge, and we appreciate the efforts of teachers, but they have not addressed our needs thus far. They have made promises to us, but those promises remain unfulfilled.

We yearn for our martyrs to be remembered, and we plead for the construction of a memorial in their honor. We implore the authorities to allocate a location at any cost, to collaborate with us, so that we can establish either a library or a memorial that will eternally preserve their memory. This is our heartfelt desire, and we ask for nothing more.

On October 24, 2020, around 4:30 p.m., a suicide bomber detonated an explosive device inside the Kawsar-e Danish Educational Center in the western area of Kabul City's PD-13 neighbourhood in the Pol-e-Khoshk District. The educational institute provided coaching for high school students preparing for university entrance exams. The attack resulted in the deaths of at least 43 students. 72 others were injured. The attack occurred in a primarily Hazara neighbourhood in Dasht-e-Barchi; the majority of students attending the tuition centre were Hazara. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (IS-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

He Left the House Laughing and Healthy but in the Evening, We Brought His Dead Body Home

Narrator: Sorayya Mirzaee

Victim: Abdul Majid

Date of the incident: 24 October 2020

Location of the incident: District 13, Kabul City, Pul-e Khoshk, Dasht-e Barchi, Kausar Danesh Educational Center

My name is Sorayya Mirzaee. My father’s name is Mohammad Ismail. I am 23-years-old. I graduated from high school and I'm a first-year student at the university. I have done one semester. I graduated from Sayyed Al Shohada High School. I was born in Hesa-e 2 District in Behsud. I live in Dasht-e Barchi, 13th District. I used to live in Maidan but currently I'm living in Kabul. I came here for my education. Well, insecurity was also a concern, but we relocated mainly for the education: my education, and my brothers’ and sisters’ education. I am doing my first year in university; I study Economics at a private university called Al Mustafa.

We were five brothers, one of whom was martyred: Abdul Majid. We have three sisters. We own a house. We were in Kabul when the incident happened. His name was Abdul Majid Mirzaee. He was graduating from school... He had not finished it yet, he was in twelfth grade, his last year. He was attending a preparation course exam at Kausar Danesh Educational Center for the entrance when the incident happened.

Abdul Majid was 18-years-old; he had just turned 18. He was born on 31 July 2004, in Safid Dival village, Hesa-e 2 District in Behsud, Maidan Wardak Province. I think Majid was in 3rd or 2nd grade at school, I don’t remember. He studied his first year in Behsud at Helmand High School and then we transferred him. He was only studying, not working. The incident happened while he was busy studying on 24 Oct 2020. It happened at 4:30 p.m. when they were dismissed. Their class was from 2:30 to 4:30 p.m. When they were coming out of the classroom, the incident happened in the alley.

The suicide bomber was a person; no car or things were involved. Based on the news and people’s narrations, an individual had entered. Some of our friends who were injured said that they had seen the suicide attacker. They say when they left the center and reached the end of the alley, a creepy guy looked around and entered the alley and the explosion took place. The alley on which the center is located is a dead end. The suicide bomber entered the alley, not the center. He exploded in the alley, exactly when the students were leaving the facility. Unfortunately, he was martyred there.

Yes, his friends were with him. My brother who is older than him was back from university and was standing in the courtyard. He received a call, and someone said, “Did you arrive home? A suicide explosion happened at the Kawsar center in Pul-e-Khushk." We got the news and ran towards the center. It was not too long after the incident that we entered the center. I saw everything in the alley: martyrs, wounded, rising dust, and everything. It was a bitter, painful incident. Then we went to check the hospitals. We searched a few hospitals in Barchi but he was not there. Then my father called us and said that he was in Mohammad Ali Jinnah Hospital and Majid was injured.

When we arrived there, he had passed away. The local people had transferred the wounded and martyrs to the hospitals. I do not know how they transported them. They said local people, there were no police, they came later. They called my elder brother. A few minutes later, his friends called and said, “Majid was injured and we took him to the hospital; you must go there.” My younger sister, who was at home, said they went there. They saw that he was martyred and his friends were around him.

He was wounded mostly in the back of his shoulder, on one hand, and one of his feet was badly injured. One of his friends who lives near us survived the attack. He gave the details of how they transported him. After class was dismissed, this friend left the center a few minutes earlier. He went back to the center after the incident. When we called him, he was at home but he was not picking up the phone. When my father called him, he answered and said he was at the hospital and my father went there to see him. No, we did not call. When my brother received the call, I ran towards the center. It was not too late when I reached the center; I saw the scene in the alley: martyrs, injured, and everything, including the screaming of families and the yelling of poor mothers.

He was martyred on the spot. I think the severity of the injuries on the back of his shoulder caused his death. His hand was also injured, but his shoulder was injured badly. There was a scar on the top of his eye and his face. I think he had been bleeding. I think it caught him from behind because the back of his shoulder was damaged the most. We did not see it, but those who saw it said that the back of his shoulder was injured severely.

When we went there, the bodies of the martyrs were wrapped in blankets given by the residents and were left in the corridor of the hospital. They did not allow us to see them properly. Later, my father said that there were two dead bodies before him. “When I uncovered the face of the first and second body, I prayed ‘Oh God! please have mercy; I wish my son is injured.’ I revealed the face of the third one, it was my son.” They didn’t show it to me. At the time of burial, they showed his face to my mother, but I did not see it. I fainted; I was not able to see.

During the funeral bath, our close relatives did not allow my father to see him. The center is a private sector entity. They did well to the extent possible. They held a ceremony on the 40th day of the martyrs. They said they had not received any warning or information about the attack.

I don’t know; they have not told us about it. All I know is that a security guard at the center was also martyred in the attack. They say he saw the person and shouted that a suspected person wanted to enter; the suicide explosion happened when he tried to stop the attacker. He lost his life. My brother was single. I was with my brother in the courtyard when he received a call. I ran outside. My mother was at home. She said, “When you ran outside, she ran after you.” She said, “There was someone on the road. I asked him to take me to the Kawsar center, there has been an explosion there. He said that the students were inside the center. I became a little relaxed. I said, no, I must go! My son is there.” His father called to say that Majid was injured and was at Mohammad Ali Jinnah Hospital. She said this person took her to the hospital by motorcycle. She said, when she arrived at the hospital, she saw my father who looked terrified. She asked him where Majid was. “He did not say anything. I asked again where was my son, Majid. In which room? Is he injured? He kept silent and I understood that he was martyred”.

My poor mother was in a bad condition, and she still is. No matter what I tell her, she is the same. She is traumatized and scared. When the suicide explosion happened at Sayed-al-Shuhada school, two of my sisters were enrolled there. On that same day, my younger sister did not go to school, but the older one did. When my mother heard about the explosion, she was so restless. She could not control herself. She was laying, screaming, “Oh my God! I became lonely! My daughters are at school.”

We received his corpse from the hospital at 10 o’clock on the same day of the attack, and we buried him in Kabul the next day at 9 o’clock. We did not bury him on the hilltop over the township. We buried him on the hillside near the house.

He was very close to me. We were friendly. He was also good with this brother of mine. On the nights he was working out in the club, he would train my two little sisters after he was back home. He was very good-tempered. I'll never forget Majid’s smile. He knew that he wanted to study and live his life, his favourite subject was Economics. I see some of his stuff at home, his handouts, and books. He has written about what he wanted to score in the entrance exam. It was very hard to lose him but we will never forget him, his memories, his stories, especially his laughter. Whatever we said, he used to laugh. He was an affable person. None of his classmates at school or the center were upset with him. They always say he was a good-natured boy.

There is a memory of him that I remember and I won't forget. It's from a few nights before the attack. We were sitting together. Somehow, we were batchmates; I had started school late and we were working to solve questions. He told me that he had learned a lot about economics and was very interested in studying it, and he wanted to know my opinion. I said, "Whatever you like.” Then he wrote his favourite subject and his desired score in the entrance exam on a sheet of paper. I will never forget that. The next day was Friday. He left early because he had an exam at the center. He took the exam but his score was unknown; the scores were supposed to be announced on Saturday. This past Friday, he was awake late at night. My mother remembers, “It was 12:30 midnight and the light in Majid's bedroom was turned on. I asked him: 'haven't you slept yet?' He said that in that day’s exam, there were some questions that he didn't understand so he was reviewing them and then he would go to bed.” She said, "When I went there in the morning, he had already woken up. I said ‘How did you wake up so early?’ He said he had something to do at school. It was six o'clock when he went to school and said the school had asked for photos, photocopies of ID cards, and other things for the school diploma. It was 10:30 AM when he came back from school." My mother asked: “Majid, you did not go to the library?” Usually, he would go to the library and study there. Responding to my mother, he said, “No mother, I didn't go. I was at school today for the ID card. All of us sitting and chatting. It was cold." The cold season was approaching. He jokingly said, "Have you been to the market to see the new coats? I need to get one." We were still chatting when he said he had to go to the library.

He left the house with a smile that I will never forget and said goodbye. My mother was out shopping for groceries. Majid left the house and said, "I'm going to the library and will then go to the educational center.” My mother returned and asked where Majid was. “I didn't prepare anything for him, he did not have breakfast, where did he go?” she asked. We said he went to the library. At noon, he left the house healthy and laughing but in the evening, we brought home his dead body. He was going to Sayyid al-Shohada school. It is near our house. My elder brother and I graduated from the same school; my two sisters also attend the same school. It was Majid's last year of school, but they didn't let him finish it. Sayyid al-Shohada school is in District 13. The town and school both go by the same name. We buried Majib past the school.

Neither my father nor my mother is in good condition. My father fainted last night. I told him I met martyr Aman’s father – Aman was Majid’s friend - and he told me stories, my father then passed out. I stayed with him until late at night, he was screaming calling “take me to Majid so I see him laughing once more.”

Our message to The Taliban and Ashraf Ghani's government forces is that they should stop. How long are they going to do this? They killed so many people and hurt so many mothers; I call on both sides to stop it. We do not have any demand or expectation from the current government. Even if we did, the government has never helped us and will not help. The only thing I want them to do is to stop the war. We have given so much sacrifice; we had a lot of martyrs, a lot of mothers lost their beloved children, but the government has never helped the families of victims. The government has taken no action.

Our house is close to Sayyed Al Shohada High School. The attack happened on the other side while we were in the courtyard of our house. We heard the sound. My father was at home. One of my sisters had not gone to school but the elder one, Farzana, had. I ran towards the school. When I arrived there, I saw the whole incident. Farzana was not there so I looked around to find her. She had left the school when the incident happened; she was shocked and had to be hospitalized at a mental health center. I saw the entire thing with my own eyes: the martyrs, the wounded, the hapless mothers. Farzana said she was a few steps away from school when she heard the sound. She has been suffering from mental complications after Majid’s death; she said she didn’t realize what was happening. We went there but did not find her. My brother was already searching for her when I arrived. Then, my little sister came and said Farzana was at home. We returned home and found Farzana shouting. She kept calling the names of her friends and classmates. We took her to the doctor. She stayed in the hospital for one night. We brought her home the next day but she has not been feeling well. After the incidents at both the Kauser Center and her school, she is suffering from a mental disorder. She is being treated. Her eyesight is weakened. Her friends were martyred. She is distraught about that. She lost two of her closest friends. She says she does not want to study anymore and does not want to go to school. “If I go to school and find their chairs empty, what am I going to do?” she asks. Due to the quarantine, the school is closed for now.

She had come out of the school earlier after classes were dismissed.

It was the month of Ramadan; she was fasting. She had a headache. She said, "When I left school, I had a headache. So I left the classroom early." My youngest brother is 10-years-old and my youngest sister is 14-years-old. He frequently recalls Majid. He dreams of Majid coming home. When he was younger, Majid would train my two litter sisters and my little brother at home after returning from the sports club. He used to go to a Muay Thai club. He misses him a lot. When he does something, he says he learned it from Majid. He recalls Majid telling him what to do and what not to do. My little brother misses him too much but not my little sister. He had a trainer in the gym. He used to exercise with a trainer and he used to train Farzana and Habibullah, his little brother.

He wished to enter the Faculty of Economics. He had set his desired score and said he wanted to study to get that score. He would mostly talk about his studies.

He constantly thought about the future and his plans. He was always eager to know more about the entrance exam, asking us to tell him about the exam so he could determine his fate accordingly. He did not even think of getting martyred. He used to say, “I want to take the exam and succeed in my favourite subject. I want to be someone in the future.” I don't know who took responsibility for the Kausar Danesh suicide attack. I have people saying the Taliban did not take responsibility for it; I don’t know which group did. After the incident, no government official visited our house. Neither government authorities nor executives of the educational center came here to console us. Maybe they participated in the Fatiha ceremony at the mosque, but no one came to our house.

Some people assisted the families of the martyrs. The government only provided an honorarium to the families of martyrs and the wounded, but nothing more than that. There were some families of martyrs who wanted to find out who was behind the attack. They went to some authorities but no one heard their voices. The poor father of Majid's friend said he tried very hard and ran here and there, but no one heard his voice.

Amanullah was his closest friend who was martyred too. The two of them were very close friends and both were martyred. Aman was severely injured. Majid had fewer injuries. Aman was found later because he was badly injured and his family could hardly identify him, but we quickly found Majid at the hospital. His friends did not say if they had seen the suicide attacker. Only one of the wounded, who is here today, said he saw him with his own eyes. He said he had just left the center and had arrived at the end of the alley when the suspect entered the alley. “We said look at him, he is terrified, someone must have told him something,” the wounded witness said. At that time, students were not allowed to bring bags inside the center, but there was another center in the same alley where students were allowed to carry bags. The suspect had a bag and they thought he may be a student at the other center. According to the witness, he was looking around and looked terrified. “We were looking at him when he exploded. We didn’t see what happened next,” the witness said.

They didn’t visit us at home. On the fortieth day after the martyrs, they organized a Fatiha ceremony at school and some of the martyr’s families participated. I am ready to do everything so they can study and have a better situation. We took Farzana, whose mental condition was very serious, to the doctor. I help her a lot. I never talk to her about that incident; when they talk about it, I comfort them by telling them to embrace the reality and that so many families have suffered. I tell them we can't sit idle and do nothing; they must struggle and continue their studies. Farzana is my elder sister. She is very good at school and is very interested in writing, poetry, and such things. She had lost the morale to continue her studies, but now she is doing better.

My father was there and didn’t let us see Majid’s face. I do not know why he did not allow us. Maybe because he thought I’m not strong enough to see such a scene. When we arrived home, my mother was screaming and wanted to see his face for the last time and kiss him. Before they took him to the cemetery, they showed his face to my mother, but they did not allow her to get close to him.

After the incident at Sayyid al-Shohada, Farzana did not go to school. Initially, she said she did not want to study anymore. After we talked to her, she was convinced. Later, she used to say, "Get me transferred to a different school, I'm not going to that school any longer.” My brother Majid also attended the same school. He had not graduated. His photo was posted on the school wall. She would say, “When I go to school and see Majid's photo and the photo of two other persons, it badly affects my morale. Now that my classmates and friends have been martyred in the suicide attack, I can't visit that place anymore.” She wanted us to transfer her to a different school. We transferred my youngest brother to another school, but Farzana is yet to be transferred. My youngest brother, Habibullah, is in 4th grade. After the incident, he has become withdrawn and frightened. He is easily scared. If a door shuts loudly, he thinks it was a suicide attack. He has turned anxious and introverted. He was very intelligent and held the first position at school but last year, his ranking dropped to the fifth position. After transferring him to the new school this year, his teacher says, “He is fearful. We are trying to help him forget everything about the incident.” He has a tablet on which he has installed games and some books, but he has found and set a photo of Majid on the screen. I tell him not to do that but he doesn’t respond. He is traumatized.

No, we have not taken Habibullah to the doctor. We tried to comfort him at home, and talk to him. Recently, he has been playing with other children and he is feeling better. In the beginning, it hurt him badly; he was so isolated and used to sit alone in a room. He did not play with other kids and did not join children of his age. We would tell him, “Get up Habib! Your friends are calling you; your classmates are waiting.” He is better now. Returning from university or other places, we do not like to enter the house because of my mother’s condition. She is highly depressed. I have a niece who is one and a half years old. My mom says whenever she holds her, she recalls raising Majid in the same way, falling asleep in her arms. Returning home, we know we would encounter this situation. We keep wondering if she is well and if someone has visited her and talked to her about the incident, making her distressed. We try our best so she does not recall the incident, but it doesn’t work.

On October 24, 2020, around 4:30 p.m., a suicide bomber detonated an explosive device inside the Kawsar-e Danish Educational Center in the western area of Kabul City's PD-13 neighbourhood in the Pol-e-Khoshk District. The educational institute provided coaching for high school students preparing for university entrance exams. The attack resulted in the deaths of at least 43 students. 72 others were injured. The attack occurred in a primarily Hazara neighbourhood in Dasht-e-Barchi; the majority of students attending the tuition centre were Hazara. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (IS-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

On October 24, 2020, around 4:30 p.m., a suicide bomber detonated an explosive device inside the Kawsar-e Danish Educational Center in the western area of Kabul City's PD-13 neighbourhood in the Pol-e-Khoshk District. The educational institute provided coaching for high school students preparing for university entrance exams. The attack resulted in the deaths of at least 43 students. 72 others were injured. The attack occurred in a primarily Hazara neighbourhood in Dasht-e-Barchi; the majority of students attending the tuition centre were Hazara. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (IS-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statemetn

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device inside a classroom at Mawoud Educational Academy, where over 240 students were preparing for a university entrance exam. The attack took place at approximately 4:00 pm on August 15, 2018, in the Naqash section of the Hazara-majority Dasht-e-Barchi neighborhood, PD-18, in western Kabul. At least 50 students were killed and 67 others were injured. The majority of casualties were high school students under the age of 20 who belonged to the Hazara ethnic group. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) has claimed responsibility for the attack on Mawoud Educational Academy.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device inside a classroom at Mawoud Educational Academy, where over 240 students were preparing for a university entrance exam. The attack took place at approximately 4:00 pm on August 15, 2018, in the Naqash section of the Hazara-majority Dasht-e-Barchi neighborhood, PD-18, in western Kabul. At least 50 students were killed and 67 others were injured. The majority of casualties were high school students under the age of 20 who belonged to the Hazara ethnic group. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) has claimed responsibility for the attack on Mawoud Educational Academy.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device inside a classroom at Mawoud Educational Academy, where over 240 students were preparing for a university entrance exam. The attack took place at approximately 4:00 pm on August 15, 2018, in the Naqash section of the Hazara-majority Dasht-e-Barchi neighborhood, PD-18, in western Kabul. At least 50 students were killed and 67 others were injured. The majority of casualties were high school students under the age of 20 who belonged to the Hazara ethnic group. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) has claimed responsibility for the attack on Mawoud Educational Academy.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device inside a classroom at Mawoud Educational Academy, where over 240 students were preparing for a university entrance exam. The attack took place at approximately 4:00 pm on August 15, 2018, in the Naqash section of the Hazara-majority Dasht-e-Barchi neighborhood, PD-18, in western Kabul. At least 50 students were killed and 67 others were injured. The majority of casualties were high school students under the age of 20 who belonged to the Hazara ethnic group. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) has claimed responsibility for the attack on Mawoud Educational Academy.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device inside a classroom at Mawoud Educational Academy, where over 240 students were preparing for a university entrance exam. The attack took place at approximately 4:00 pm on August 15, 2018, in the Naqash section of the Hazara-majority Dasht-e-Barchi neighborhood, PD-18, in western Kabul. At least 50 students were killed and 67 others were injured. The majority of casualties were high school students under the age of 20 who belonged to the Hazara ethnic group. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) has claimed responsibility for the attack on Mawoud Educational Academy.

No statement

On May 8, 2021, a devastating suicide bombing took place at Sayed Al-Shuhada High School in Dasht-e-Barchi, a predominantly Hazara area in the western outskirts of Kabul. The attack resulted in the tragic loss of approximately 85 lives, most of whom were teenage schoolgirls. Additionally, the incident left 147 people wounded.

No statemetn

On May 8, 2021, a devastating suicide bombing took place at Sayed Al-Shuhada High School in Dasht-e-Barchi, a predominantly Hazara area in the western outskirts of Kabul. The attack resulted in the tragic loss of approximately 85 lives, most of whom were teenage schoolgirls. Additionally, the incident left 147 people wounded.

No statemetn

On April 19, 2022, a series of three explosions occurred at educational institutions in the Dasht-e-Barchi area of Kabul's western suburbs. The explosions resulted in more than 27 fatalities and 30 injuries. The initial blast took place at the Mamtaz Educational Center and was caused by a hand grenade thrown by an individual identified by students as Qari. Multiple people sustained critical injuries. This was followed by a suicide attack at the nearby Abdurahim Shahid High School. A remote-controlled explosive device (IED) detonated among individuals assembled for rescue efforts at the high school. The victims were all civilians, predominantly students. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant - Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) has claimed responsibility for the attacks, stating an intent to target the Hazara-Shia community.

No statement

On April 19, 2022, a series of three explosions occurred at educational institutions in the Dasht-e-Barchi area of Kabul's western suburbs. The explosions resulted in more than 27 fatalities and 30 injuries. The initial blast took place at the Mamtaz Educational Center and was caused by a hand grenade thrown by an individual identified by students as Qari. Multiple people sustained critical injuries. This was followed by a suicide attack at the nearby Abdurahim Shahid High School. A remote-controlled explosive device (IED) detonated among individuals assembled for rescue efforts at the high school. The victims were all civilians, predominantly students. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant - Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) has claimed responsibility for the attacks, stating an intent to target the Hazara-Shia community.

No statement

On April 19, 2022, a series of three explosions occurred at educational institutions in the Dasht-e-Barchi area of Kabul's western suburbs. The explosions resulted in more than 27 fatalities and 30 injuries. The initial blast took place at the Mamtaz Educational Center and was caused by a hand grenade thrown by an individual identified by students as Qari. Multiple people sustained critical injuries. This was followed by a suicide attack at the nearby Abdurahim Shahid High School. A remote-controlled explosive device (IED) detonated among individuals assembled for rescue efforts at the high school. The victims were all civilians, predominantly students. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant - Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) has claimed responsibility for the attacks, stating an intent to target the Hazara-Shia community.

No statement

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 7, 1998, following a renewed conflict with the Northern Front, Taliban forces entered Mazar-e-Sharif in Balkh Province. In the initial days, they detained and executed thousands of civilians, primarily Hazaras. Within the first 3 days, the Taliban forces declared a general massacre targeting the city's Shia population. According to witnesses, the scale of the violence left bodies strewn across the streets. It took days to remove all the bodies. Sharifullah was among the civilian casualties of the Taliban's massacre.

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On May 8, 2021, a devastating suicide bombing took place at Sayed Al-Shuhada High School in Dasht-e-Barchi, a predominantly Hazara area in the western outskirts of Kabul. The attack resulted in the tragic loss of approximately 85 lives, most of whom were teenage schoolgirls. Additionally, the incident left 147 people wounded.

No statemetn

On May 8, 2021, a devastating suicide bombing took place at Sayed Al-Shuhada High School in Dasht-e-Barchi, a predominantly Hazara area in the western outskirts of Kabul. The attack resulted in the tragic loss of approximately 85 lives, most of whom were teenage schoolgirls. Additionally, the incident left 147 people wounded.

No statemetn

On May 8, 2021, a devastating suicide bombing took place at Sayed Al-Shuhada High School in Dasht-e-Barchi, a predominantly Hazara area in the western outskirts of Kabul. The attack resulted in the tragic loss of approximately 85 lives, most of whom were teenage schoolgirls. Additionally, the incident left 147 people wounded.

No statemetn

On May 8, 2021, a devastating suicide bombing took place at Sayed Al-Shuhada High School in Dasht-e-Barchi, a predominantly Hazara area in the western outskirts of Kabul. The attack resulted in the tragic loss of approximately 85 lives, most of whom were teenage schoolgirls. Additionally, the incident left 147 people wounded.

No statemetn

On May 8, 2021, a devastating suicide bombing took place at Sayed Al-Shuhada High School in Dasht-e-Barchi, a predominantly Hazara area in the western outskirts of Kabul. The attack resulted in the tragic loss of approximately 85 lives, most of whom were teenage schoolgirls. Additionally, the incident left 147 people wounded.

No statemetn

On May 8, 2021, a devastating suicide bombing took place at Sayed Al-Shuhada High School in Dasht-e-Barchi, a predominantly Hazara area in the western outskirts of Kabul. The attack resulted in the tragic loss of approximately 85 lives, most of whom were teenage schoolgirls. Additionally, the incident left 147 people wounded.

No statemetn

On May 8, 2021, a devastating suicide bombing took place at Sayed Al-Shuhada High School in Dasht-e-Barchi, a predominantly Hazara area in the western outskirts of Kabul. The attack resulted in the tragic loss of approximately 85 lives, most of whom were teenage schoolgirls. Additionally, the incident left 147 people wounded.

No statemetn

Three attackers wearing Afghan national security forces uniforms and armed with AK-47s and hand grenades, attacked. After shooting and killing a security guard at the hospital entrance, they entered the hospital and headed directly to the maternity ward, moving systematically from room to room. There were 28 women in the ward at the time. The attackers fired on patients and threw hand grenades. As a result of the attack, 24 people were killed, including 19 women and three children,35 and 23 more were injured, including 12 women, two children and one newborn. A female healthcare worker was amongst those killed in the attack.

On 15 June, the organization, Médecins Sans Frontiers (MSF), who operated the maternity ward, announced its decision to end activities and withdraw from Dasht-eBarchi hospital.

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On May 8, 2021, a devastating suicide bombing took place at Sayed Al-Shuhada High School in Dasht-e-Barchi, a predominantly Hazara area in the western outskirts of Kabul. The attack resulted in the tragic loss of approximately 85 lives, most of whom were teenage schoolgirls. Additionally, the incident left 147 people wounded.

No statemetn

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On January 8, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were executed by the Taliban.

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On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On January 8, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were executed by the Taliban.

On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On January 8, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were executed by the Taliban.

On Nov. 21, 2016, a suicide bombing ripped through a Shia Mosque in the Afghan capital, Kabul, causing immense devastation. The blast occurred at the Baqir ul Olum mosque in the Darul Aman area, targeting worshippers gathered to mark the culmination of a significant religious period. The attack resulted in the tragic loss of at least 32 lives, predominantly Hazaras. At least 64 others were injured, many with severe wounds.

No statement

On Nov. 21, 2016, a suicide bombing ripped through a Shia Mosque in the Afghan capital, Kabul, causing immense devastation. The blast occurred at the Baqir ul Olum mosque in the Darul Aman area, targeting worshippers gathered to mark the culmination of a significant religious period. The attack resulted in the tragic loss of at least 32 lives, predominantly Hazaras. At least 64 others were injured, many with severe wounds.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated explosives inside a Shia Mosque in the Afghan capital of Kabul. At least 53 people were killed and dozens of others were wounded. The explosion happened at the Baqir ul Olum mosque in the Darul Aman area as people gathered to mark the end of an important religious period.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated explosives inside a Shia Mosque in the Afghan capital of Kabul. At least 53 people were killed and dozens of others were wounded. The explosion happened at the Baqir ul Olum mosque in the Darul Aman area as people gathered to mark the end of an important religious period.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated explosives inside a Shia Mosque in the Afghan capital of Kabul. At least 53 people were killed and dozens of others were wounded. The explosion happened at the Baqir ul Olum mosque in the Darul Aman area as people gathered to mark the end of an important religious period.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated explosives inside a Shia Mosque in the Afghan capital of Kabul. At least 53 people were killed and dozens of others were wounded. The explosion happened at the Baqir ul Olum mosque in the Darul Aman area as people gathered to mark the end of an important religious period.

No statement

On October 20, 2017, a suicide attack took place in the Imam Zaman Mosque in Dasht-e Barchi, while people were there for prayers. Dasht-e Barchi is the Hazara area of Kabul. As a result of the terrorist attack, 56 people were killed and 55 others were injured.

No statement

On November 9, 2015, in Zabul Province, seven Hazara individuals were taken hostage and beheaded by the Islamic State. Among the victims was Shukria Tabassum, a nine-year-old child.

No statement

On November 9, 2015, in Zabul Province, seven Hazara individuals were taken hostage and beheaded by the Islamic State. Among the victims was Shukria Tabassum, a nine-year-old child.

No statement

On November 11, 2018, thousands of Kabul residents protested what they called "the government's inaction in preventing the attack of the Taliban group on Malistan and Jaghouri districts in Ghazni Province and Khas Uruzgan District in Uruzgan Province." They started a march and gathered near the presidential palace. The rally continued until dawn on Monday, when President Ghani accepted some of the protesters' demands through a phone call. People were then leaving the rally when a suicide bombing took place.

No statement

On November 9, 2015, in Zabul Province, seven Hazara individuals were taken hostage and beheaded by the Islamic State. Among the victims was Shukria Tabassum, a nine-year-old child.

No statement

On November 9, 2015, in Zabul Province, seven Hazara individuals were taken hostage and beheaded by the Islamic State. Among the victims was Shukria Tabassum, a nine-year-old child.

No statement

On June 27, 2020, an explosion caused by a magnetic mine in Kabul killed 24-year-old Fatima Khalil and her colleague, Ahmad Jawid Folad.

No statement

On November 9, 2015, in Zabul Province, seven Hazara individuals were taken hostage and beheaded by the Islamic State. Among the victims was Shukria Tabassum, a nine-year-old child.

No statement

On the morning of April 12, 2018, the Taliban commenced a bloody attack on the district centre of Khwaja Umari, Ghana Province. Ali Dost Shams, the educated district governor of Khwaja Umari, and 20 brave soldiers were martyred. 12 other soldiers were wounded.

No statement

Around 6:45 a.m. on July 24, 2017, a suicide bomber detonated his explosives in the Sarikariz area of the Third District, a few steps from the house of Mohammad Mohaghegh, the second deputy of the executive directorate. As a result, 24 people died and 40 people were injured.

No statement

A young girl named Nafisa was brutally tortured and killed by the Taliban. They shot her 12 times. Nafisa was a midwife who worked at the Ali Choupan clinic. On April 2, 2022, she was going home from work with her sister's child and a male colleague. At a checkpoint, the Taliban asked her what her relationship was to the man she was with. When she said that he was a colleague, the Taliban questioned why she was in the same car as a non-mahram. Then, they tortured and killed her.

No statement

Sources confirm that a former female police member was shot by Taliban forces in Ghor Province. This event took place on 05 September 2021, in Firuzkoh city, the capital of Ghor Province.

No statement

On January 14, 2022, the forces of the Taliban shot and killed a young woman in a checkpoint in the Dasht-e Barchi area of Kabul City. The victim of this event has been identified as Zainab Abdullahi.

No statement

Mohammad Arid was killed in a suicide attack on 16th of November 2014, in Kabul City.

No statement

He was martyred on the 15th of November, 2021, as a result of an explosion in Mehtab Qala in Dasht-e Barchi.

No statement

Hasnia Khairi, the sister of Ariana TV reporter Mina Khairi, died in the hospital due to severe injuries.

No statement

On June 3, 2021, an explosion occurred in Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan. Ariana TV announced that DNA tests of the victims of the explosion in the area of Pul-e-Sokhta in Kabul confirms that Mina Khairi, the announcer of Ariananews and Ariana radios, died in the explosion along with her mother.

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On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On January 8, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were executed by the Taliban.

On October 20, 2017, a suicide attack took place in the Imam Zaman Mosque in Dasht-e Barchi, while people were there for prayers. Dasht-e Barchi is the Hazara area of Kabul. As a result of the terrorist attack, 56 people were killed and 55 others were injured.

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On October 20, 2017, a suicide attack took place in the Imam Zaman Mosque in Dasht-e Barchi, while people were there for prayers. Dasht-e Barchi is the Hazara area of Kabul. As a result of the terrorist attack, 56 people were killed and 55 others were injured.

No statement

On October 20, 2017, a suicide attack took place in the Imam Zaman Mosque in Dasht-e Barchi, while people were there for prayers. Dasht-e Barchi is the Hazara area of Kabul. As a result of the terrorist attack, 56 people were killed and 55 others were injured.

No statement

On October 20, 2017, a suicide attack took place in the Imam Zaman Mosque in Dasht-e Barchi, while people were there for prayers. Dasht-e Barchi is the Hazara area of Kabul. As a result of the terrorist attack, 56 people were killed and 55 others were injured.

No statement

On October 20, 2017, a suicide attack took place in the Imam Zaman Mosque in Dasht-e Barchi, while people were there for prayers. Dasht-e Barchi is the Hazara area of Kabul. As a result of the terrorist attack, 56 people were killed and 55 others were injured.

No statement

On October 20, 2017, a suicide attack took place in the Imam Zaman Mosque in Dasht-e Barchi, while people were there for prayers. Dasht-e Barchi is the Hazara area of Kabul. As a result of the terrorist attack, 56 people were killed and 55 others were injured.

No statement

On October 20, 2017, a suicide attack took place in the Imam Zaman Mosque in Dasht-e Barchi, while people were there for prayers. Dasht-e Barchi is the Hazara area of Kabul. As a result of the terrorist attack, 56 people were killed and 55 others were injured.

No statement

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

I called home again, I was worried

Narrator: Ahmad (brother)

Victim: Ghulam Ali Alizada

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

I am Ahmad, Ghulam Ali’s brother. We are from Bahador, a village in the Nawur district of Ghazni province. The martyr was also born in this province. When the Dehmazang incident happened, I was living in Iran. I was following the news on a Friday when it was said that the demonstration scheduled for the next day had been cancelled. As on every other day, I watched the news and went to work on the Saturday. I was at work when my employer told me that there had been a suicide attack on demonstrators in Kabul. I called Ghulam Ali immediately but he didn’t answer his phone. I called him again but this time someone else picked up his phone. I asked him where Ghulam Ali was. He said, "Ali is wounded and is now in hospital but he is not in a critical condition. His leg has been slightly injured." My heart was still restless and I called home but my father did not know anything. Only my little brother knew about the incident and he had not yet told my father anything. He was waiting for the situation to calm down. I called Ghulam Ali again and the same boy answered again. The boy said that he was in Musalla and Ghulam Ali was good and safe and swore that he was not lying. My father called me at 8 o’clock and told me that he was going to Kabul because Ghulam Ali was injured. When he arrived there, he searched several hospitals for him but did not find him. My father went to the 400-bed hospital but they did not let him in. Ghulam Ali’s name was on the hospital’s list of wounded. After my father insisted that he be let in, the doctors told him that Ghulam Ali is good, that it is not time for a visit, and that he should wait outside. At about 2 o’clock, they called my father to go inside. Before he could see Ghulam Ali, they told him that Ghulam Ali had been martyred.

After a few minutes, they received Ghulam Ali’s body from the hospital and took it to Musalla. When they took Ghulam Ali from Musalla to Ghazni, no one told my mother anything. The only thing they told her is that he has been injured and hospitalized and that no visitors were allowed. There is a mosque near our house. People gather in the alley and at the mosque. They asked my mother to go to the mosque. She responded to them, asking what would she do at the mosque while her son is injured. Then they inform my mother of his martyrdom, and she passed out instantly. My other brother who lived in Nawur was not aware of the incident either. They called him to go home, and he also arrived home.

The day after the incident, I called home from Iran to check up on Ghulam Ali. They said that he was good and that my mother had gone to Kabul to be by my brother’s side. They told me not to worry as he was good. But I was indeed worried, and so I called home again after a while and asked them to send me a photo of Ghulam Ali. They made some excuse that the doctors did not allow them to take photos. I waited for a while and called them again, and this time they told me he had been taken to India for treatment. I was still in Iran and could not do anything but wait for them to report my brother’s condition to me. It was very hard for me to stay for 20 days in Iran without knowing. In the end, I ran out of patience and left my work there and returned to Afghanistan. I arrived home at night and felt the atmosphere of grief at home. My other brother was not in Ghazni either. When I asked about him, they told me he had gone to Kabul to be at Ghulam Ali’s side. The next morning, people came to visit me. I decided to go to Kabul to see my brother in-person, but my nephews gathered in our house and said that Ghulam Ali had been martyred, asking me where was I going, and told me that I should stay there.

For the Eid of Ramadan (Eid ul-Fitr) holidays, Ghulam Ali had gone home to be with my parents. He called me and asked when I would be coming home as our parents had become very old and there was no one by their side at home, as he had to return to Kabul after the holidays because he had many classes and could not travel back and forth on that dangerous route every week. I assured him that I would go home in the fall, in the month of Mizan (September-October), and he was very happy at that, and said his classes would also finish by then and he too would come home. On Friday, he reached Kabul, travelling back from Ghazni, and on Saturday he participated in the demonstration. Unfortunately, this ominous incident happened to him and left us in grief forever. He was a well-behaved and sociable boy and when he came home in the winter, he would teach the children in our area. All the local people loved him and still speak highly of him.

I can recall only that some people with their faces covered broke into our house and took my father away. They did not even let my father change his clothes and put on his shoes. After he disappeared, we did not know what happened to him. My mother searched everywhere but could not find him. We assume that Hizb-e Islami abducted him as they were against those working for the government of the time. I remember, it was almost midnight when we heard a knock on our door.

The Tearful Eyes of a Young Woman

Narrator: Karima

Victim: Hafiz

Date of the incident: 1992-1996

Location of the incident: Kabul City

Karima was very young when her father Hafiz was taken from home. At that time, no one knew what was going on. Suddenly, a number of people with their faces covered entered the house and took Hafiz. They did not even allow Hafiz to change his clothes and put on his shoes. Afterwards, the abductors never contacted Hafiz’s family; they remained in the dark about the reasons for his forced departure. Shortly after, the family came to know that the people who abducted Hafiz were from one of the Mujahidin groups. Hafiz’s only crime had been that he was working for the government. Today, his family still does not know what happened to Hafiz, but he never returned.

After Hafiz’s abduction, his family lived in absolute misery. His only son was forced to work during the early days of his childhood. His son later lost his sanity due to a number of serious psychological problems, while Karima’s mother suffered a heart attack during the time of the Taliban. As the Taliban banned treatment of female patients by male physicians, she later lost her life in the hospital. Karima was a witness to all these painful events.

She is now 30-years-old and never shows any signs of energy and happiness. She cannot stop crying. Karima got used to suffering from her early days. The endless cycle of violent incidents in her life has turned suffering into a routine experience. She does not know what she did to deserve this fate but strongly believes that she has suffered more than anyone else in this world. Are those who ignited the fire of war even thinking of the burned life of Karima? The Memory Box project aims to document stories of people like Karima and make them part of the official history of Afghanistan. The Memory Box project is a window into the lives of victims who tell their stories as they have experienced them. Without making an effort to look at the consequences of war through the lens of the victims, it will be difficult to truly grasp the hidden realities of war. Hence, we need to clean our eyes, look through their lens, and listen to their suffering and countless pains.

The history of Afghanistan has so far been written without the voices of the victims. These voices need to be heard. Stories like the one of Karima reflect but a small part of everything that Afghan victims have endured in recent decades.

The Story of Karima

My name is Karima and I am 30-years-old. I lost my father during the war. I was only 4-years-old when my father disappeared. I cannot remember it in detail. I can recall only that some people with their faces covered broke into our house and took my father away. They did not even let my father change his clothes and put on his shoes. After he disappeared, we did not know what happened to him. My mother searched everywhere but could not find him. We assume that Hizb-e Islami abducted him as they were against those working for the government of the time. I remember it was almost midnight when we heard a knock on our door.

My mother opened it and these masked men came in and took my father still dressed in his pajamas. There were people all over the house including on the roof. After his disappearance, we experienced a great deal of difficulties. My brother, who was in grade six at the time, had to start working to feed us. Soon after, he began to suffer from depression.

Today, he is absolutely mad but still asks for my father. He believes that my father is still alive. Later on, my mother died during the Taliban regime. This was the worst moment of my life (Karima cries). My mother was suffering from heart problems and later had a heart attack.

We took her to different hospitals but there was no female doctor. The Taliban had banned male physicians from treating female patients. As a result, my mother died in Jamhuriat hospital. I cannot forget these terrible moments in my life. Therefore, I hate the Taliban.

Today, I work and feed my family. My sister works as a teacher though she does not have a permanent contract. My sister, my sick brother and I live together. One of my other sisters lives in Mazar-e- Sharif.

I fully support the Memory Box initiative. I want to keep my father’s memory alive. I will not allow for him to be forgotten. Those who have killed my father must know that someone from his family is still alive and thinking of him. This initiative is dedicated to people like my dear father (Karima cries). People are telling me that I had a very handsome and kind father. My relatives told me they saw his Memory Box on TV. I am very pleased to see my father’s memories alive.

The explosives attached to the gas canisters killed and injured dozens of people. Saima’s hand and leg were cut off and we couldn’t find her leg. The shrapnel had pierced her younger brother’s abdomen, extruding his intestines and kidney.

The Story of M. Musa (father)

Victims’ Names: Mohammad Sadiq and Saima

Date of Incident: April 21, 2015

Place of Incident: Darulaman Road, Kabul

I was at home when the explosion occurred. Muhammad Sadiq was swinging when his sister asked him to get her children from school. As they were walking on the pavement, Sadiq noticed a truck carrying six big gas containers getting closer. A few meters after the truck passed them, it turned toward the old parliament building and exploded. The explosives attached to the gas canisters killed and injured dozens of people. Saima’s hand and leg were cut off and we couldn’t find her leg. The shrapnel had pierced her younger brother’s abdomen, extruding his intestines and kidney. Mohammad Sadiq had pushed his nephew in the street gutter to save his life. He then managed to walk to a blacksmith and asked him to take his nephew out of the gutter. Though Sadiq lost his life due to major burns, he saved his nephew’s life that day.

I took them to Istiqlal Hospital. My son, Sadiq, was transferred to the burn injuries section and my grandson was in my arms as I held his kidney and intestines in my hand. First the doctors refused to admit him, but when he opened his eyes and started moaning, they realized he was alive and took him to the emergency section for surgery. The surgery took three days to complete. When we took my son and nephew to the hospital, we found Saima missing. Everyone started looking for her until we found her body in the Forensic Medicine Department. It was difficult to identify her because her entire body had been burned and injured by shrapnel. One of her legs had been cut off, which we never found.

My son was alive for five days but had difficulty breathing because of major burns. When we were at the mosque for Saima’s funeral, Sadiq passed away in the hospital. We buried Sadiq on the 5th of Ramadan, just a few days after Saima. He was only 27-years-old when he was killed. He was our only breadwinner and was working as a freelance tailor. He used to buy fabrics to sew clothes and distribute in the market. He was married and left behind a daughter and a young wife who are now living with us. I gave his belongings to charity but left a few objects which I have decided to add to the Memory Box to keep his memories alive.

Two Shia clerics, Rajab Akhlaqi and Khadim Hussain Hedayati, were shot and killed by unknown gunmen on motorcycles on Thursday, November 23, 2023. The shooting took place in Etifaq Avenue of Jibrail Town in Herat, an area with a mostly Hazara population. The two victims were members of the Herat Shia Ulema Council and came from the Lal and Sarjangal districts in Ghor Province. No group or individuals have claimed responsibility for the assassination of the Hazara clerics.

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Two Shia clerics, Rajab Akhlaqi and Khadim Hussain Hedayati, were shot and killed by unknown gunmen on motorcycles on Thursday, November 23, 2023. The shooting took place in Etifaq Avenue of Jibrail Town in Herat, an area with a mostly Hazara population. The two victims were members of the Herat Shia Ulema Council and came from the Lal and Sarjangal districts in Ghor Province. No group or individuals have claimed responsibility for the assassination of the Hazara clerics.

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Eid Mohammad Etimadi was abducted and murdered by unknown armed men on Sunday, October 22, 2023. He had gone to a relative’s funeral in the Kamarklagh neighborhood of Herat City. While returning home, his car was intercepted by armed men in the Khashrood area of the Injil District of the province. They searched the passengers’ cell phones to identify them and took Etimadi with them. They claimed that they would take him to a nearby Taliban security post. However, when his relatives went to the Taliban security posts, they were told that the Taliban had no information about him. His family and relatives looked for him everywhere. On Monday, October 23, they found his corpse in the Ghorian District.

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On December 1, 2023, a rickshaw tricycle was attacked by unknown gunmen in the Kora Melli area of western Herat City. The attack claimed the lives of six people, including two religious scholars, women, and children. Several others were injured. Local sources reported that the attack was aimed at Hazara civilians and religious figures. No group has claimed responsibility for the attack.

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On August 1, 2017, a Shia mosque in Herat, Afghanistan, was attacked. 33 people were killed and 66 others were injured. Two men carried out the attack. One carried a suicide vest and the other was armed with a rifle. They entered the Jawadia mosque during an evening prayer session where approximately 300 people had gathered to worship. The first attacker flung bombs into the crowd before detonating his vest. The second attacker also discharged his rifle into the crowd before blowing himself up. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

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On August 1, 2017, a Shia mosque in Herat, Afghanistan, was attacked. 33 people were killed and 66 others were injured. Two men carried out the attack. One carried a suicide vest and the other was armed with a rifle. They entered the Jawadia mosque during an evening prayer session where approximately 300 people had gathered to worship. The first attacker flung bombs into the crowd before detonating his vest. The second attacker also discharged his rifle into the crowd before blowing himself up. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

On April 18, 2015, fourteen Hazara men were traveling from the Malistan District to the Ajristan District in Ghazni, now part of Daikundi Province, to purchase livestock when they were abducted by Taliban fighters. The Taliban demanded that the government release their fighters who were detained and imprisoned by the Ghazni Department of Intelligence. After the government did not comply with their demands, the captives were subjected to several days of severe torture. Subsequently, four of them were beheaded by their captors and the other ten were later released.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

Incident Date: September 21, 2024

Location: Near Sarpahlu Sang village, Dawlat Yar district, Ghor province, Afghanistan (bordering Daykundi province)

Victims: 13 residents of Qariwdal village, Sang-e-Takht district, Daykundi province, One passerby from Palon Sang village, Ghor province, Four severely wounded survivors

Perpetrators: Four armed individuals, later claimed by ISIL-Khorasan Province

Incident Summary:

On September 21, 2024, at approximately 1:00 PM, a group of 17 residents from the small village of Qariwdal in Daykundi province were en route to welcome two fellow villagers returning from a pilgrimage to Karbala, Iraq. As they approached the border area between Daykundi and Ghor provinces, near the small village of Sarpahlu Sang in the Dawlat Yar district of Ghor, they encountered four armed men on motorcycles. The armed individuals identified themselves as security forces [of the Taliban] and assured the group that they were searching for a suspicious person, telling them not to worry. The assailants then instructed the villagers to line up, ostensibly for a commemorative photograph. One attacker began taking photos while another started filming. Without warning, the other two opened fire on the group from both sides. The attack resulted in the immediate deaths of 13 Hazaras, all from the Qariwdal village. Four others were severely wounded. Additionally, a traveler from Palon Sang village in Ghor, who happened to be passing through the area during the shooting, was killed while attempting to flee. The day following the attack, ISIL-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the massacre in an official statement.

No statement

On August 24, 2016, suspected Taliban attackers stormed the American University of Afghanistan in Kabul using a car bomb and automatic weapons. The assault resulted in the deaths of sixteen people, including eight university students, one university policeman, and three security guards. Additionally, fifty to fifty-three individuals were injured, some critically. Afghan Special Forces killed three of the attackers. This incident marked the first direct attack on the university, although two professors had been kidnapped just outside the campus a few weeks earlier. Both Taliban and ISIL-KP were suspected though no group or individual claimed the responsibility for the attack.

Jamila, 26, was a senior majoring in Finance and Business Administration. Originally from Mazar-e Sharif, she moved to Pakistan during the Taliban regime. She completed her primary education in Pakistan and upon returning to Afghanistan attended Rokhshana High School in Kabul from which she graduated in 2009. Having already completed a degree in computer science at Kabul University, she joined to pursue an additional degree in management. Jamila wanted to help women set up small businesses to improve their lives and have a positive effect on the economy of the country. “My sister was very hardworking and extremely intelligent,” said Murtaza Ismailzada, the victim’s brother.

On the night of November 23, 2022, forces from the Taliban Security Command and the General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI) conducted an operation in the village of Sare-e-Siwak, located in the central district of Nili, Daikundi province. The operation began with the encirclement of the village, focusing on particular residences. In the early hours of the following morning, as residents prepared for morning prayers, nine individuals from two families, including four minors, were fatally shot, and two sustained injuries. Additionally, five individuals were detained, with one subsequently reported missing. Reports suggest that the operation was initiated based on erroneous information attributed to a local commander and his associates, stemming from previous disputes and personal animosity, alleging insurgent activities by the victims.

On the night of November 23, 2022, forces from the Taliban Security Command and the General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI) conducted an operation in the village of Sare-e-Siwak, located in the central district of Nili, Daikundi province. The operation began with the encirclement of the village, focusing on particular residences. In the early hours of the following morning, as residents prepared for morning prayers, nine individuals from two families, including four minors, were fatally shot, and two sustained injuries. Additionally, five individuals were detained, with one subsequently reported missing. Reports suggest that the operation was initiated based on erroneous information attributed to a local commander and his associates, stemming from previous disputes and personal animosity, alleging insurgent activities by the victims.

On the night of November 23, 2022, forces from the Taliban Security Command and the General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI) conducted an operation in the village of Sare-e-Siwak, located in the central district of Nili, Daykundi province. The operation began with the encirclement of the village, focusing on particular residences. In the early hours of the following morning, as residents prepared for morning prayers, nine individuals from two families, including four minors, were fatally shot, and two sustained injuries. Additionally, five individuals were detained, with one subsequently reported missing. Reports suggest that the operation was initiated based on erroneous information attributed to a local commander and his associates, stemming from previous disputes and personal animosity, alleging insurgent activities by the victims.

On the night of November 23, 2022, forces from the Taliban Security Command and the General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI) conducted an operation in the village of Sare-e-Siwak, located in the central district of Nili, Daykundi province. The operation began with the encirclement of the village, focusing on particular residences. In the early hours of the following morning, as residents prepared for morning prayers, nine individuals from two families, including four minors, were fatally shot, and two sustained injuries. Additionally, five individuals were detained, with one subsequently reported missing. Reports suggest that the operation was initiated based on erroneous information attributed to a local commander and his associates, stemming from previous disputes and personal animosity, alleging insurgent activities by the victims.

On the night of November 23, 2022, forces from the Taliban Security Command and the General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI) conducted an operation in the village of Sare-e-Siwak, located in the central district of Nili, Daykundi province. The operation began with the encirclement of the village, focusing on particular residences. In the early hours of the following morning, as residents prepared for morning prayers, nine individuals from two families, including four minors, were fatally shot, and two sustained injuries. Additionally, five individuals were detained, with one subsequently reported missing. Reports suggest that the operation was initiated based on erroneous information attributed to a local commander and his associates, stemming from previous disputes and personal animosity, alleging insurgent activities by the victims.

Incident Date: September 21, 2024

Location: Near Sarpahlu Sang village, Dawlat Yar district, Ghor province, Afghanistan (bordering Daykundi province)

Victims: 13 residents of Qariwdal village, Sang-e-Takht district, Daykundi province, One passerby from Palon Sang village, Ghor province, Four severely wounded survivors

Perpetrators: Four armed individuals, later claimed by ISIL-Khorasan Province

Incident Summary:

On September 21, 2024, at approximately 1:00 PM, a group of 17 residents from the small village of Qariwdal in Daykundi province were en route to welcome two fellow villagers returning from a pilgrimage to Karbala, Iraq. As they approached the border area between Daykundi and Ghor provinces, near the small village of Sarpahlu Sang in the Dowlat Yar district of Ghor, they encountered four armed men on motorcycles. The armed individuals identified themselves as security forces [of the Taliban] and assured the group that they were searching for a suspicious person, telling them not to worry. The assailants then instructed the villagers to line up, ostensibly for a commemorative photograph. One attacker began taking photos while another started filming. Without warning, the other two opened fire on the group from both sides. The attack resulted in the immediate deaths of 13 Hazaras, all from the Qariwdal village. Four others were severely wounded. Additionally, a traveler from Palon Sang village in Ghor, who happened to be passing through the area during the shooting, was killed while attempting to flee. The day following the attack, ISIL-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the massacre in an official statement.

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No Statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No Statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

On September 14, 1978, in Kabul, Afghanistan, Aziz Toghian was compelled to defend himself against a planned arrest attempt by government forces. The incident occurred at "Artel Bridge," where Toghian engaged in a brief skirmish with military personnel, resulting in the deaths of five soldiers before he was killed.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

On April 21, 2022, an explosion occurred at the Seh Dokan Mosque during a time when approximately 200 individuals were present for prayers. The incident resulted in at least 37 fatalities, with more than 60 individuals sustaining significant injuries. Additional reports indicate that the death toll may exceed 50, with up to 100 people injured. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) has asserted responsibility for the attack and claimed the group has targeted Hazara and Shia prayers.

No statement

On April 21, 2022, an explosion occurred at the Seh Dokan Mosque during a time when approximately 200 individuals were present for prayers. The incident resulted in at least 37 fatalities, with more than 60 individuals sustaining significant injuries. Additional reports indicate that the death toll may exceed 50, with up to 100 people injured. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) has asserted responsibility for the attack and claimed the group has targeted Hazara and Shia prayers.

No statement

On August 17, 2019, a suicide bomber detonated explosives at the Shahr-e-Dubai wedding hall on Faiz Mohammad Kateb Road, also known as Charqala Road. The attack resulted in 63-93,(including 15 children) fatalities and 182 injuries. The wedding ceremony was predominantly attended by members of the Shia-Hazara community. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack, stating it targeted individuals they refer to as "Rafida," a term used by some extremist groups to denote those who do not follow Sunni Islam.

No statement

On August 17, 2019, a suicide bomber detonated explosives at the Shahr-e-Dubai wedding hall on Faiz Mohammad Kateb Road, also known as Charqala Road. The attack resulted in 63-93,(including 15 children) fatalities and 182 injuries. The wedding ceremony was predominantly attended by members of the Shia-Hazara community. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack, stating it targeted individuals they refer to as "Rafida," a term used by some extremist groups to denote those who do not follow Sunni Islam.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

Between November 5, 2018, and November 15, 2018, the Taliban executed a large-scale assault on the Jaghuri and Malistan districts from multiple directions. Tragically, during this conflict, 30-60 civilians lost their lives according to different secures, primarily due to Taliban actions. Additionally, over 50 individuals sustained injuries, and hundreds of families were forcibly displaced from their homes.

No statement

Between November 5, 2018, and November 15, 2018, the Taliban executed a large-scale assault on the Jaghuri and Malistan districts from multiple directions. Tragically, during this conflict, 30-60 civilians lost their lives according to different secures, primarily due to Taliban actions. Additionally, over 50 individuals sustained injuries, and hundreds of families were forcibly displaced from their homes.

No statement

Between November 5, 2018, and November 15, 2018, the Taliban executed a large-scale assault on the Jaghuri and Malistan districts from multiple directions. Tragically, during this conflict, 30-60 civilians lost their lives according to different secures, primarily due to Taliban actions. Additionally, over 50 individuals sustained injuries, and hundreds of families were forcibly displaced from their homes.

No statement

On September 5, 2015, a devastating twin suicide bombing struck the Maiwand Wrestling Club in Dasht-e-Barchi, a predominantly Hazara neighborhood in western Kabul, Afghanistan. The first explosion occurred inside the wrestling club during the early evening hours. As first responders and civilians gathered to assist the victims, a second blast detonated, causing even greater casualties. The attacks resulted in the deaths of at least 30 civilians, including two journalists, Samim Framarz and Ramiz Ahmadi. More than 103 others were injured in the incident. The Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the bombings, stating they specifically targeted the Shia-Hazara community.

No statement

On September 5, 2015, a devastating twin suicide bombing struck the Maiwand Wrestling Club in Dasht-e-Barchi, a predominantly Hazara neighborhood in western Kabul, Afghanistan. The first explosion occurred inside the wrestling club during the early evening hours. As first responders and civilians gathered to assist the victims, a second blast detonated, causing even greater casualties. The attacks resulted in the deaths of at least 30 civilians, including two journalists, Samim Framarz and Ramiz Ahmadi. More than 103 others were injured in the incident. The Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the bombings, stating they specifically targeted the Shia-Hazara community.

No statemen

On November 24, 2020, two remote-controlled explosive devices detonated in the main bazaar of Bamyan City, resulting in 20 fatalities and over 60 injuries. In two decades, this incident marked the first such occurrence in the city, known for its safety. Following the event, at least six individuals were detained and subsequently admitted to executing the explosions. Despite these confessions, the former government and Bamyan's governor, Ala Rahmati, attributed the orchestration of the attacks to the Haqqani network.

No statement

On October 20, 2020, two Flank Kouch minibusses, transporting passengers from Kabul to the Waras district in Bamyan province, were struck by a roadside bomb planted by the Taliban. The explosion occurred in the Kota-e-Ashro area of Jalrez district in Maidan Wardak province, resulting in the tragic loss of 11 lives and injuries to four others. Among the victims were women and children, all part of the same family from the Waras District of Bamyan. They were traveling from Kabul to visit their relatives in Waras.

No statement

On December 28, 2017, a suicide bomber detonated an explosive device inside the Tabyan Center, a religious and cultural gathering place in Dasht-e-Barchi, located to the west of Kabul. The blast resulted in the deaths of 41 individuals and injuries to another 84 people. Among those killed were at least two children and four women, while eight women were among the injured. All the victims were civilians, primarily belonging to the Hazara ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant-Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

The Taliban slaughtered at least 300 Sayyid and Hazara people during an attack on the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province on January 7, 2001. Witness accounts state that once the Taliban troops retook Yakawlang on January 7, they started to arrest and ruthlessly kill individuals. In late December 2000, they had lost Yakawlang to Hezb-e Wahdat, an anti-Taliban party that claimed to be supported by the Hazara minority. Additionally, witnesses reported to Amnesty International that Hezb-e Wahdat soldiers executed at least four people in broad daylight during the few days they occupied Yakawlang in late December 2000.

Let's Never Go Back To Our Past

Narrator: Abdul Raziq Rezaei

Victims: Abdullah and Abdul Karim

Time of the incident: 2001

The place of the incident: Dahan Kanak Village, Yakawlang District, Bamiyan Province

The name of the victims: Abdullah, my father, aged 45-47 years old. I don't remember the exact age of my father. And my uncle, Abdul Karim, he was 30-35 years old. They lived in Dahan Kanak Village, Yakawlang District. They were farmers.

My father was educated from mullahs at home, he could only read the Quran. Abdul Karim had attended Dehsur high school until the eighth grade. Due to riots and wars, he had left school. Both of them were married. My father had three sons: his eldest son is me, his second son is named Samad, and his third son is named Nader. My father had three daughters: his eldest daughter is named Hanifa, his second daughter is Sima, and his third is Soghara. My uncle Karim had four sons and daughters: his eldest son is Reza, his second son is Enayat, his eldest daughter is Laiqa, and his second daughter is Sabra. All were farmers and all lived in Dehne Kanak.

It was 2001 that the Taliban came and took Yakawlang. The war ended... Khalili's forces went to Chaman. There, they burned the villages and captured my father and another person named Ibrahim, and took them to the battle in Chahar Deh. The Taliban were defeated there and came to Dahan Kanak again. They brought my father and uncle back to the village, tied them back to back under the road, and fired on them, killing them.

When Taliban arrested my father, we fled to Punjab having no news about my father. People told me that my father was killed. Although it was dangerous to go to the area, we went and took the corpses of three martyrs with a small number of friends. We could not bury them in our ancestral cemetery, so we took him to Sar-e Kanak graveyard.

During the migration period, people were vigilant as to what was happening in Yakawlang. The houses and shops were burnt down and many people were killed.

My father's body remained under the sunshine [where he was killed] for a week; no one could go and bury him. When Taliban attacked Yakawlang, my father told me to take our family members to Panjab District. He said he would come after us. He stayed because of our livestock up in Qeshlaq. We could only save our lives, not the livestock. Unfortunately, we lost our father and every other thing we had in the village.

According to my cousin, four days after we left our village, my father was killed. As said, me, my younger brother Samad, and my cousin Mohammad Rahim went from Punjab to Sarma Qol during the night. At night, we took five more corpses from Sarma Qol. We went and transferred the bodies to Sar-e Kanak. The people of Sar-e Kanak cooperated with us. Thanks to them, may God protect them. With them, we buried the corpses.

We brought the family back when the Taliban attacked the American twin towers. It was September 11th. It was the beginning of the cold season. It had snowed once or twice. We went back home, but nothing remained; our houses were burnt. With empty hands, we started to rebuild our houses.

Everyone had psychological problems. We had no one, it's very difficult to talk about it. We can't tell you how it went. It was very difficult for people to live. I had lost a father and an uncle, and our economic situation was ruined. Our cattle and property were gone. We didn't have money and our situation was very bad. I personally took care of two families with many problems. I had to leave school as it is still my responsibility to take care of the two families.

Today, my uncle's family is living separately. We divided our land; I separated my uncle's land. By the grace of God, our agriculture product is good, not bad. I ended up having a lot of trouble because at that time, people did not trust anyone. Now, it is different. If needed, people will give us a loan. At that time, no one gave a single rupee to anyone else. Why could we not borrow some money? People used to say that the situation in Afghanistan is so bad, they may not be able to pay it back.

We had this difficult situation. I couldn't bear not to say it. It is very difficult for someone to say it. Those who had a better economic situation may have lived better, but I myself, who had two families on my shoulders and was empty-handed, someone who didn't have a single rupee, this is how I lived my life.

The little money that we had was in my father's pocket, which was burnt. They had holes drilled in it. It was completely destroyed. It was out of use. My mother has endured this situation until today, and today, thanks to the grace of God, our situation is good.

I was a child who did not understand anything about what to do. I went through that difficult situation alone. We struggled with a difficult life that no one can imagine. But some people are good, maybe they can. Before the incident, I had no responsibility. But once two families were shouldered by one person without a single rupee in his pocket, imagine for yourself what the situation was like. You asked me, and told you. I could not control myself not to say.

When my father was martyred, I didn't know about my uncle. People didn't tell me anything. I buried my father. We couldn't be bothered there again, so we went to Panjab. My friends told me that I should come back. I had a bad feeling, because my uncle's family was here in Panjab. As soon as he sent the message to "come once," I fell from the sky to the ground. I said what happened and he asked me again.

I went to Yakawlang again, to Sar Maqol Village, the only place I could go. People had fled to Sar Maqol. I went there again. I asked my friends about the situation, and they said that the situation was good but that they would go with me. They told me that my uncle had been captured. Well, we went. We gathered our friends and decided to find some elderly men and meet the Taliban who captured my uncle. When we came here, one of the friends said that the Taliban had captured my uncle, taken him from my village, and killed my uncle on a pass named Larasi. They said, "Go and take your martyr from there." The people of Sangardost - one of the local Taliban - gave us a soldier to guide us there. He showed us that my uncle's corpse had dried up. We took it to Dahan Kanak and buried him there. Ah, I wish they would had killed him [only], but they had cut off his hand, cut off from here (showing his elbow), and cut off his leg from the knee. We took him and buried him in our village.

By God, at that time, we had no idea what we were doing because we were children. We had no idea what the Taliban meant or what they were doing. We had no idea, they just said that the Taliban had come and killed people. Because we were children, we didn't feel, we didn't understand what "the Taliban" meant. We thought that Talib meant "student," not more than that, right? But when they came and set fire to the houses and killed the people, we thought that a human had not come, a savage had come. What were they doing to the innocent people? With the houses? No one had anything to do with the houses, but they destroyed and burned every single house.

Yes, my mother is alive. Thank God, my mother, it was my mother who brought us to this stage. Otherwise, we would have been a bunch of small kids and children. My uncle’s children were also small. My mother gave me an arm and said not to lose myself, be strong, and work hard. My mother supported us and kept telling us to be strong. The reality is that we worked hard, suffered a lot, and thank God we are seeing the results today.

I put myself in the place of my father; I left school, I sacrificed my wishes and wants for my brothers and my uncle's children. I supported my brothers and my uncle’s children to go to school. Thank God, they are now doing well with their education and lives.

My father was a normal, calm person. He never fought anybody in the village or with family members. He had a sound personality as he never shouted at me as his younger son, never used a bad word against me. He was a religious person. He used to awake us up to pray our prayers early in the morning and advised us to take fast.

I had no responsibility and didn’t think about life’s ups and downs. Everything was on his shoulders. I don't know where he earned the livelihood to earn what he would give us, the food we would eat, and the clothes we would wear. My uncle was young. At that time, our lands were not divided, only his house was separated, and he worked as a farmer with my father. Local Taliban were good people, some were Hazaras and Tajiks. But those who came out of Yakawlang, those Talibs do not want Islam at all, they were Wahhabis. These were outsider’s men.

There is nothing notable left from my father to put in the Afghanistan Memory and Dialogue Center. My father had a Quran and a watch. I have his watch with me now in my pocket and a tape recorder named 530, an old model 60-70 years old.

These are the only things left from my father. Nothing left from my uncle but a picture. The photo is a very old one. We enlarged it and put it on the wall, so he should not be forgotten and remain as part of our memory. In reality, we have very bad memories. We never return to our past, we had such a hard time in the past that I cried. We really have a very bitter past, not only for me, but for all the victims. For all the people of Yakawlang, Bamiyan and the central regions. We will never return to our past.

We are really happy to have something lasting for us in the museum. I'm happy and, you are welcome, you are all the light of our eyes who think about us and remember us and listen to our words and take them to higher levels. Thank you.

The attack happened near our village named Qizilqala. It was Taliban’s last attack, after which the Taliban fell. I think it was 1996 or 1997.

The incident was in the morning, it was eight or nine o'clock. The Taliban came to our village and gathered the people of the village in the mosque. My father told us that he should go too. They took my father and my uncle. After three days, both of them were martyred in Qazal Qala Village as I mentioned. They were serving the people in the village. They were the elders of the village. Taliban killed them anyway. Taliban committed genocide in their first round of attack. They killed so many people in their first attack.

They Were Shot in Their Chests

Narrator: Asadullah Fayzi

Victim: Baqijan Fayzi

Time of the incident: 1997

The place of the incident: Qorachin Village, Chaharbulak District, Mazar-e-Sharif

Type of incident: Gunshot

My father's name was Baqijan Fayzi. He was almost 38-years-old. He was young at the time of the accident. He had married when he was so young. I was about four or five years old when he died; I was very small. One day, I was standing at the courtyard door. I noticed that as he walked down the alley with another person, a hat was on his head, although he normally didn't wear a hat. I didn't recognize him. I said, "Hey! Hey! Who are you?" He was ahead of me. When he looked, I saw that he was my father. He smiled at me. This was very interesting to me.

My father's birthplace is Qorachin Village, Chaharbolak District, Balkh Province. As a farmer, he was busy with agriculture and peasantry.

He studied in school up to the six and seventh grades, but he had not finished school. He had two children, one girl and one boy. I was older than my sister. I am now 24-years-old. My sister, Fatima, is two years younger than me, she is twenty-two-years-old. She has finished her studies and now she is a schoolteacher. She has also studied up to the fourteenth grade.

The attack happened near our village named Qizilqala. It was Taliban’s last attack, after which the Taliban fell. I think it was 1996 or 1997.

The incident was in the morning, it was eight or nine o'clock. The Taliban came to our village and gathered the people of the village in the mosque. My father told us that he should go too. They took my father and my uncle. After three days, both of them were martyred in Qazal Qala Village as I mentioned. They were serving the people in the village. They were the elders of the village. Taliban killed them anyway. Taliban committed genocide in their first round of attack. They killed so many people in their first attack.

His family started looking for him but did not find him. In the village, someone has seen these two people who had been killed, so they told their families. My cousins, though they were small, had run away from home. They had hide in a plain. My father had told me not to go to the mosque because he was worried that I would be taken by the Taliban, but I said, "No, let them take me too." I was not afraid.

They took them that morning. I remember my father's uncle, who was an elderly person. Taliban tied his hands behind his back and carried him towards the mosque. I did not go to the mosque myself because I was small. When they were taken away, the women were crying. My grandmother was there, my mother was there, but the Taliban did not release anyone.

It was rumored that the people were tied up in a car, dragged, and later shot with bullets. The people who were from our village said so; they had seen it. There were no other witnesses except for them. They had tied my father to a car and dragged him to Qizilqala, a neighboring village. It is relatively far; half an hour away. My father's body was found by the local people. They informed us that they had found two bodies and asked if they were ours. They told me to tell someone to come and take the bodies. My uncle went to the site and recognized the corpses, so he brought them back.

They were taken and thrown in a desert. The day after they were taken, my uncle started asking about them. Where are they? Are they detained? Are they alive? Later, some people informed us that there were two bodies in the desert. My uncle went there and yes, found their bodies. They had been shot in their chests and shoulders. Their faces were destroyed. There were many wounds and scratches on their bodies. My uncle's son’s forehead was badly split. The Taliban had beaten them a lot.

Upon hearing the news, everyone was unwell. My uncle fell unconscious for a few hours out of shock. My father's death changed our lives a lot. We faced many problems. We went through a lot of hardships. Life is really hard without a father. After my father, my uncle and my mother tried to keep the family together. My mother is a seamstress, she has been sewing ever since. The Taliban will do anything for their own benefit.

They don't have much to do with other ethnicities. Charbulok Village is resided by different ethnicities, it is mixed, but they used to harass Hazara people there a lot. They asked them for bread, money, weapons. They used to say to my father, "You are the leader of the Hazara people, you have many weapons. Give us weapons." How many weapons did they give if they had them? The Taliban would come again and search themselves. Because of having [and not having] weapons, they were beaten a lot.

Yes, the responsibility of financing the house was on my father's shoulders. My grandfather was there and my uncle was there. My grandfather was an elderly man. My father was responsible to support the household financially. We all lived in the same house together. Yes, my aunt was there too. Her and her husband lived together with us. The number of family members was big, about twenty, twenty-five people in total. Now there are 9 of us. After my father, my uncles and my mother now support the family. We still live in the same house in our village. That is our own house.

Oh, I was badly affected by the incident. I got a low spirit after it. This made me personally very weak. My mother... my mother suffered a lot, for a long time she was... For now, life is good. It is normal. It's been two years that I'm married and other family members were separated from us. My uncle and his family are now in Mazar Sharif. My cousins (my mother’s brothers) are here. They are almost at the same place as us; our houses are side-by-side.

Currently, there is no war in our village. Because our village is close to Chaharbulak District - just twenty minutes away - Taliban come to our village but don’t go further. Taliban often attack from this side and the government shoots them back. A month ago, Taliban took all other villages. Only our village was left. In our village, there was a government base, but they left after the other villages were captured. Taliban come periodically, once or twice a week, and the government does not.

Although the government is close (we can see them from the village), they don't fight as much as they did in the past and don’t come to our village. Taliban take tithes and zakat from local people. Tithes is about wheat. From ten bushels of wheat, they will take one bushel. From twenty bushels, they will take two bushels. Everyone gives. If someone doesn't give, he will be punished. Taliban announced that people must wait for them to come and count the bushels of their harvest, so that the Taliban can take some right away.

Yes, there are schools. Girls go to school. The school is in our village. The girls are up to 9th grade. They say their teachers should be women. Girls were not going to school for a while when Taliban came; the schools were off for a few days. After that, school resumed.

There were many people who left their jobs in government offices due to fear of the Taliban in this district. Even the cleaners left their duties due to fear. They didn't go to the office anymore. There were a few more soldiers from our own village, they were scared because there have been so many fights. Many people were killed in the war. Soldiers managed to take a letter from the Taliban, it was a guarantee that they would not be soldiers anymore, they could go and work in their village. Although they are no longer soldiers, they could not come to their village to see their families.

There were national police present to ensure the security of Qora Chin Village. In addition to police, there were militia (called ARBAKI: local armed men) supported by the government. Arbakis were harassing people and stealing people’s property. I didn't see it myself, but people of the village say so. They have many stories. According to one story, people stopped a man on his motorcycle one night. While their faces were covered, they took away all his valuables. The Taliban is back; Arbakis don't do those things. Arbakis are also completely gone, our area has been completely cleared. It is only the district center, which is under the control of the government.

The Taliban are from the neighbouring villages. Some are from our village too. Local Talib accompany the outsiders, they are together. No, they don't harass civilians.

Our wish is peace. Since the government is there in the center, they don't want war either. Their people and many of their soldiers were martyred, they were killed. Other police bases were taken by the Taliban.

If the government fights with the Taliban, it is good to clean up our areas. Make it peaceful and calm, so that everyone can do their jobs and go to school. Our biggest wish is that there will be peace and prosperity for our homeland. Many people in Chaharbulak are complaining about the insecurity. They are tired of it. One day, people should be able to take care of their business and land properly. My father was a good-natured person. Even now, everyone who comes praises my father a lot. No, my grandmother has passed away. We buried my father in a cemetery near the village, yes, in the village of Qorah Chin.