On April 22, 2018, a suicide bomber detonated his explosive device amidst a large gathering of civilians seeking to obtain electronic identification (e-ID) cards in the Mahtab Qala area of Dasht-e-Barchi, located west of Kabul. The explosion resulted in the deaths of at least 69 civilians, with an additional 120 individuals sustaining injuries. According to official reports, among the victims were 22 women, 17 children, and individuals with disabilities. Furthermore, the injured comprised 52 women, 50 men, and 17 children. The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant–Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack, stating that they targeted the Hazara-Shia community.

No statement

On May 12, 2020, three attackers wearing Afghan national security forces uniforms and armed with AK-47 rifles and hand grenades conducted an assault on the maternity ward of Dasht-e-Barchi hospital. After shooting and killing a security guard at the hospital entrance, the attackers entered the facility and proceeded directly to the maternity ward, where 28 women were present at the time. The attackers moved systematically from room to room, firing on patients and throwing hand grenades. The attack resulted in twenty-four deaths, including nineteen women, three children, and one female healthcare worker. Twenty-three people were injured, including twelve women, two children, and one newborn. Following the attack on June 15, 2020, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), which operated the maternity ward at Dasht-e-Barchi maternity hospital, announced its decision to end activities and withdraw from the hospital.

No statement

On May 12, 2020, three attackers wearing Afghan national security forces uniforms and armed with AK-47 rifles and hand grenades conducted an assault on the maternity ward of Dasht-e-Barchi hospital. After shooting and killing a security guard at the hospital entrance, the attackers entered the facility and proceeded directly to the maternity ward, where 28 women were present at the time. The attackers moved systematically from room to room, firing on patients and throwing hand grenades. The attack resulted in twenty-four deaths, including nineteen women, three children, and one female healthcare worker. Twenty-three people were injured, including twelve women, two children, and one newborn. Following the attack on June 15, 2020, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), which operated the maternity ward at Dasht-e-Barchi maternity hospital, announced its decision to end activities and withdraw from the hospital.

No statement

On 11 March 2023, an explosive device detonated inside the Tabyan Center, in Mazar-e-Sharif. The blast resulted in the deaths of 2 journalists and injuries to another 18 people. All the victims were civilians, primarily belonging to the Hazara ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant-Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

On May 4, 2009, a United States Air Force B-1 Bomber conducted an airstrike on Granai village in Bala Buluk district, Farah Province, resulting in significant civilian casualties. The incident, sometimes referred to as the Granai massacre, became one of the deadliest civilian casualty events involving international military forces in Afghanistan. The exact number of civilian deaths remains a matter of dispute among various investigative bodies. The Afghan government reported approximately 140 civilian fatalities, including 22 adult men and 93 children. Afghanistan's principal human rights organization concluded that 97 civilians were killed, with children comprising the majority of victims. Other estimates place the civilian death toll between 86 and 147 individuals. An initial investigation by the US military assessed that 20-30 civilians were killed alongside 60-65 insurgents. However, these figures were contested by Afghan authorities and international observers. A subsequent, partially released American inquiry acknowledged the limitations of the investigation, stating that a conclusive determination of the civilian casualty count would not be possible. The United States military accepted responsibility for the airstrike and admitted that significant errors occurred in its execution. Official statements acknowledged that the failure to identify the presence of civilians and to minimize collateral damage resulted in unintended civilian casualties.

No statement

On May 4, 2009, a United States Air Force B-1 Bomber conducted an airstrike on Granai village in Bala Buluk district, Farah Province, resulting in significant civilian casualties. The incident, sometimes referred to as the Granai massacre, became one of the deadliest civilian casualty events involving international military forces in Afghanistan. The exact number of civilian deaths remains a matter of dispute among various investigative bodies. The Afghan government reported approximately 140 civilian fatalities, including 22 adult men and 93 children. Afghanistan's principal human rights organization concluded that 97 civilians were killed, with children comprising the majority of victims. Other estimates place the civilian death toll between 86 and 147 individuals. An initial investigation by the US military assessed that 20-30 civilians were killed alongside 60-65 insurgents. However, these figures were contested by Afghan authorities and international observers. A subsequent, partially released American inquiry acknowledged the limitations of the investigation, stating that a conclusive determination of the civilian casualty count would not be possible. The United States military accepted responsibility for the airstrike and admitted that significant errors occurred in its execution. Official statements acknowledged that the failure to identify the presence of civilians and to minimize collateral damage resulted in unintended civilian casualties.

No statement

On May 4, 2009, a United States Air Force B-1 Bomber conducted an airstrike on Granai village in Bala Buluk district, Farah Province, resulting in significant civilian casualties. The incident, sometimes referred to as the Granai massacre, became one of the deadliest civilian casualty events involving international military forces in Afghanistan. The exact number of civilian deaths remains a matter of dispute among various investigative bodies. The Afghan government reported approximately 140 civilian fatalities, including 22 adult men and 93 children. Afghanistan's principal human rights organization concluded that 97 civilians were killed, with children comprising the majority of victims. Other estimates place the civilian death toll between 86 and 147 individuals. An initial investigation by the US military assessed that 20-30 civilians were killed alongside 60-65 insurgents. However, these figures were contested by Afghan authorities and international observers. A subsequent, partially released American inquiry acknowledged the limitations of the investigation, stating that a conclusive determination of the civilian casualty count would not be possible. The United States military accepted responsibility for the airstrike and admitted that significant errors occurred in its execution. Official statements acknowledged that the failure to identify the presence of civilians and to minimize collateral damage resulted in unintended civilian casualties.

No statement

On the evening of October 26, 2023, at approximately 7:35 PM, a powerful explosion occurred at the Mellat Boxing Club located in the Pol-e-Khoshk, Dasht-e-Barchi area of west Kabul. At the time of the incident, twenty-six athletes were training at the facility in preparation for a competition scheduled for the following day. The Barchi area is predominantly inhabited by the Hazara ethnic group, a community that has been frequently targeted in attacks. The explosion resulted in the deaths of six to eight athletes and injuries to five others. Additionally, one of the club's trainers lost his hearing due to the intensity of the blast. The bodies of the victims were identified and released at three different hospitals in Kabul. ISIS Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

She was killed in Pole Merab by shrapnel while fleeing in the plain. They were running towards the Charkent which is above from here. The area is mountainous. We buried her in Pole Merab. When the Taliban came in the first round and took the whole city, they stayed for a few years. It was June or July. The wheat had grown. People were running away to the Charkent out of fear. Many were hiding in the wheat which saved their lives.

His Body was Swollen

Narrator: Azadeh Sadat Hussaini (Daughter)

Victim: Fatima

Time of the incident: 08 August 1999

Place of the accident: Mazar-e-Sharif, Pole Merab Type of accident: Hit by shrapnel

My name is Azadeh. My mother was married several years after my father. Now my ID card is in my stepfather's name. I am Azadeh Seyyed Salman in the ID and my real father's name is Seyed Shah Mohammad. His surname is Sadat Hosseini. The victim is my mother, her name is Fatima. Fatima Seyed Nasro, her name on her NID. Surname? No, she did not have a surname.

She was killed in Pole Merab by shrapnel while fleeing in the plain. They were running towards the Charkent which is above from here. The area is mountainous. We buried her in Pole Merab. When the Taliban came in the first round and took the whole city, they stayed for a few years. It was June or July. The wheat had grown. People were running away to the Charkent out of fear. Many were hiding in the wheat which saved their lives.

Shima: There was no wheat on our side. I remember a day when the weather was very hot, many people died when they fled to the mountains.

Azadeh: What exactly happened, what happened? I don't remember much. I was married. People said that she had so many splinters in her armpit that she never recovered. My mother was 55-years-old. When she came home, she could not speak. Later, she told the story that she was running away: "While I was riding a donkey, I suddenly got some sharp objects in my body. I didn't understand where they came from. My body only felt burning and blood flowed. If I wasn't riding that donkey, maybe the shrapnel wouldn't have hit me." The iron pieces had not gone deep. Some were pulled out by hand. But there was no doctor in the Charkent. The wounds became infected and after four months, she was brought to Mazar City. We took her to a doctor, but it didn't work at all. She was scared.

We live in Pole Merab. When the Taliban came, most of the people of the city fled. But we didn't go. My husband did not go. Everyone fled to Charkent. The city was empty. People stayed there for a while until the city calmed down. Some came early, those who had problems came early, those who didn't have problems stayed even for a year. When it was completely calm, everyone returned to their homes and lives.

Mentally, one feels a lot of pain and suffering. When my mother passed away, her house and life fell apart. My father left one way, my sister went her way, she was single, but she got married unintentionally. We don't know where she is anymore. My poor father was sick, often he came to my house. I had no place for him and I was pregnant. What did I do? I found a wife for him. Yes, now he has gone back to his house and has a wife. He has many children from this wife. Well, that's how it happened, no one of us... no one left of my family. I have a sister, she was in Iran. It's been a few years since she has come. She was also not there. It was really hard for me, I was completely alone...

Taliban took [my husband], took him from the market, took him away, we were completely disappointed. Because when Talib took anyone, he never came back. But God helped, of course he had to live for a while in this world. He came back. When he came, I couldn't recognize him at all. His body was totally black; he didn't have a single white spot because he was beaten. His body was swollen. He was sleeping in front of the window and everyone who saw him was afraid. I sat one night until the morning. I dressed his severely injured body. I gave him medicine. He was moaning and could not sleep. This situation continued for several days. But when the Taliban were defeated, our neighbours said that he should not sit there like that. If the Taliban came again and saw him in that state, they would question what he did to be beaten so badly.

After that, they took him to the village. For a month, I was with my daughter, the same daughter who is here. I was alone in the house with a woman who was a neighbour. We have seen many bad days, no expenses, nothing... To survive, I had to sell the houseware to buy food items. Nothing was left for us, nothing. My poor husband became disabled. He can't work. Heavy work hurts his back. Many of us have seen bad days. It was very difficult for me. My poor husband had never used a weapon. He was a laborer and ordinary citizen. The people who had guns, power, and money went away way before Taliban came. We the poor were trampled.

I don't remember anything. He came home late at night on the same day they took him. He used to say that he couldn't come home on my foot; he walked from the city to the house like a child using his hands and knees. His knees were swollen. He said that Taliban made me sleep, one of them stood on his feet, one of them put his foot on his back, and one of them put his foot on his neck. They hit him three times with a big cable with three locks tied at the end of it. They said to give them weapons. He said he doesn't have a weapon. They said to give them a weapon soon. Helpless, he is now disabled and can no longer work.

If he finds light work, he will do it, but he cannot do heavy work. He was beaten savagely. Taliban's takeover ended up very difficult for ordinary people. No one has good memories of that time, they all have bad memories.

In the winter of 1979, Haji Abdul Ali was arrested by local police and intelligence officials affiliated with the Communist regime of the People's Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. The arrest was made under the charge of hanging guns at Haji Abdul Ali's home. The next day, the authorities returned and arrested six more men from the same family. All seven men were taken to Kabul, but they never returned. When they entered the house, they said, "Haji, what weapon do you have at home?" My father said, “Tow hunting guns, a big and small one. Both are hanging on the wall of the house." The officers took the guns and said, "Haji, we will take you to the police station and then we will return you early morning." They took my father that night and we waited until morning for him to return, but he did not return.

On the day of Eid, all the family members, relatives, and friends gathered together to celebrate Eid as we waited for my father's return. It was time for lunch when the armed men came to our house again. They did not bring my father. We were very worried. This time, they took 6 other members of my family with them: Qurban Ali (my uncle), Sultan Hussain (son of my father's uncle), Mohammad Hasan (grandson of my father's uncle), and Mohammad Nabi (son of my uncle), as well as Ghulam Abbas and Ali Ahmad (grandsons of my uncle).

Even If a Hundred Years Pass, You Will Not Be Forgotten

Narrator: Ali Shaheer

Victims: Haji Abdul Ali, son of Paiwand Ali (father), Haji Rajab Ali, son of Piwand Ali (elder uncle), Qurban Ali, son of Piwand Ali (younger uncle), Sultan Hussain (son of father's uncle) Mohammad Hasan (grandson of father's uncle)

Time of the incident: 1979

The place of the accident: Pol-e Charkhi Polygon, Kabul

I was a primary school student at that time. It was the night of Eid al-Adha, during the reign of Hafizullah Amin. I was not able to sleep that night because of the joy of Eid and wearing new clothes. Few families had TV at that time. We did not have a TV at home. But my uncle - who was living with his family in same house as us - whose young son owned a houseware store, brought a black and white TV for Eid nights. Their house was separated from our house by a partition. On Eid night, we went to my uncle's room to watch TV. That night, on the occasion of Eid, a movie called "Nawi da yaw Oshpe" (Bride for One Night), in Pashto language, was broadcast on TV.

At the insistence of my uncle and my uncle’s son, my father sat next to us and we watched the movie together, although he was not interested in watching TV or movies. My father knew Pashto and understood the story of the movie well. He was impressed by the scenes of kindness and chivalry in the movie and watched the movie till the end. That night, my siblings and I were eagerly waiting for the movie to end and for my father to henna our hands. After the movie, my father hennaed our hands.

It was late at night and my father was about to sleep when someone knocked on our door. At the same time as the door was knocked on, someone shouted loudly, "Who is Haji Abdul Ali? Come out of your room and open the gate." Some armed people were surrounding the gate. The voice shouted two or three times and wanted my father. Annoyed by their screams in the middle of the night, my father told them, “Keep your voices down. What's going on in the middle of the night? So much screaming! You know that everyone is sleeping! I am Abdul Ali. Now I will open the gate. What do you want me to do?"

When they entered the house, they said, "Haji, what weapon do you have at home?" My father said, “Tow hunting guns, a big and small one." Both are hanging on the wall of the house." The officers took the guns and said, "Haji, we will take you to the police station and then we will return you early morning." They took my father that night and we waited until morning for him to return, but he did not return that night.

On the day of Eid, all the family members, relatives, and friends gathered together to celebrate Eid as we waited for my father's return. It was time for lunch when the armed men came to our house again. They did not bring my father. We were very worried. This time, they took 6 other members of my family with them: Qurban Ali (my uncle), Sultan Hussain (son of my father's uncle), Mohammad Hasan (grandson of my father's uncle), and Mohammad Nabi (son of my uncle), as well as Ghulam Abbas and Ali Ahmad (grandsons of my uncle).

Fear and worry filled the atmosphere of the house. In the evening of the same day, Haji Rajab Ali, my elder uncle who was older than my father, came to our house and comforted us and said, "Don't worry, by God's hope, they will all come back. Don't worry as long as I am there." He said to my mother, "I will come tomorrow first thing in the morning. I will bring whatever food and other basic necessities you lack at home." It was as if he sensed that my father would not return soon. But the next day, my elder uncle did not come. He was also taken from his house in Chindawol that night.

The nights and days of Eid passed as we waited for my father and uncles to return. During the time of Babrak Karmal's leadership, Muhammad Nabi, Ali Ahmad, and Ghulam Abbas were released in general amnesty. But the others never came back. My brothers, sisters, and my uncle's children and I were nine in total, all small children a year apart in age. We used to ask our mothers every day why my father and uncles didn't come back. In the same way, my elder uncle had two children, a boy and a girl the same age as us. My youngest uncle, who was taken away, still had no children.

Our mothers waited that night, bitter days, and long years for their husbands. They shed tears and prayed for their return until they were old and their hair turned white. This wait lasted 35 years. When the Polygon victim list was released, we found the names of five of our family members on it. The wait was over and our hope had collapsed. All the family members were crying.

One day, we went with a number of friends and one of my uncle's sons to the hill of Polygon’s victims in Pul-e Charkhi. When I was walking on the soil of Polygon, I was busy with the question of what my father and uncles said to each other in those heavy moments before death and what their last words to each other were.

After we learned what had happened to my father and uncles, we honored them, their memories, and other victims by organizing a program with a title written in bold: "Even If a Hundred Years Pass, You Will Not Be Forgotten."

On June 3, 2011, while travelling towards Bamiyan from Kabul, Jawad Zohak was captured by the Taliban in the Sia Gard area in Ghorband District. He had just participated in a conference in Herat which was for all Provincial Council chairs. He was killed on June 7, 2011, after five days in captivity.

Bamiyan Exists in the Government’s Blind Eye

Mohammad Zohak, as explained in the beginning of his speech, has graduated as a sociology major from Bamiyan University. He is a calm man. While talking, he speaks in a calm manner and explains the incident in all its details from memory. He has profound respect for his uncle, Jawad Zohak, and therefore, uses honorific words such as “Eishan” and “Raees Sahib” constantly while talking about him. To avoid repetition, we have omitted these words from the text below, except in few instances. At the time of the incident, all responsibilities fell on Mohammad Zohak's shoulders. Consequently, he has experienced a difficult time. He mentions those incidents and happenings in his life with confidence.

Narrator: Mohammad Zohak (victim’s nephew)

Victim: Jawad Zohak

Date of incident: June 7, 2011

Place of incident: Pul Rangan, Ghorband Valley, Parwan Province

My name is Mohammad and my surname is Zohak. I have a bachelors degree in social sciences and have graduated from Bamiyan University’s sociology major. I was born in Qufqool Village, Yakaolang District of Bamiyan Province. I am married with one child. I am the nephew of martyr Jawad Zohak. When he passed away, he was 44-years-old. He was also born in Bamiyan’s Yakaolang District in Qufqool Village, which is part of Sia Dara. Sia Dara is a zone and Qufqool is a village.

He was the chair of the Provincial Council and the people’s representative. Jawad Zohak had studied until twelfth grade. He had participated in the night-time Kankor Examination but did not succeed, unfortunately. His place of study was in Dasurkh High School in Yakaolang District. He was married and had three children: two sons and one daughter. His eldest child was his daughter and at that time, she was around 14-years-old. His two sons were 12 and 10-years-old. His daughter’s name is Freshta, his eldest son is called Farhad, and the last child is named Milad. At the time of the incident, all three were students at the center of Bamiyan. Their residence at that time was in Bamiyan, Zargaran area of the Safa Shahrak. We were there together.

On June 3, 2011, while travelling towards Bamiyan from Kabul, Jawad Zohak was captured by the Taliban in the Sia Gard area in Ghorband District. He had just participated in a conference in Herat which was for all Provincial Council chairs. He was killed on June 7, 2011, after five days in captivity.

He left Kabul around four in the morning or even earlier. Around six thirty, he was stopped in that area by the Taliban. He was with other passengers.

It was a Friday that day. It was June 3, 2011, when he was passing by Pul Rangan. They took him to the other side in Qumchaq Village. When the vehicle he was originally traveling in reached Shaikh Ali area, then since the people knew him, they informed the Provincial Council that the chair of the council was taken by the Taliban. We were informed around seven o’clock. Half an hour. Only with a half an hour delay. They had taken him to Qumchaq Village. He was kept there until his last living days.

I was informed later since there was no network where I was. The passengers and the driver he was with informed the Provincial Council. Then, the council informed our family. In just an hour or an hour and a half, even the television networks were informed. Tolo News had a news ticker that the Bamiyan Provincial Council chair was taken by the Taliban. Some news outlets had released a short news segment about the incident. Almost all of the family and relatives got to know about the incident through TV news channels.

No, they had not taken anyone. They had not taken anyone else but him. They had stopped just the car that the Provincial Council chair was in and let all the other cars go. When I got network connection, I was informed that my uncle had been captured in Pul Rangan in Ghorband. Unfortunately, I could not take any action. Naturally, in a state where a person like him is captured – that too by a brutal, terror group – it is difficult to manage yourself normally. It is difficult to manage yourself in those circumstances. Even now that I am talking about it, explaining it is difficult for me. Later, the local people, Bamiyan Provincial Council, other influential figures in Bamiyan, and some friends gathered in a mosque and decided that a team should go negotiate with the people in Sai Gard of Ghorband District about the reason why a people’s representative was taken and what they want from him. He is neither part of the military nor the government, he is a civilian. He is the representative of the people. If they [the captors] are against the government, then he, too, as a civil activist (despite people saying all kinds of things about him) has criticized the government and called it incompetent as part of his civil activities. So... what is it that you want?

In the end, six people were selected and they negotiated for around three or four days. At first, we would get good news. The negotiating team did not hear from him [Jawad] on the first day. Until the team found the elders of their community and got in touch with them to get [my uncle] released on the second day. I remember precisely that it was seven in the morning when they said that they would return the chair of the Provincial Council. We prepared to go to welcome him back. Well, we prepared around four o’clock to go to Ghorband and bring raees sahib. However, they called to inform us that his release was delayed and it might happen tomorrow instead. The people from the team of representative that were selected by the people to negotiate my uncle’s release called, which caused our family to wait until tomorrow in hopelessness. The next day, we were told that around nine, nine-thirty, or ten o’clock, raees sahib would be released. However, just like the previous day, his release was cancelled. On the fourth day, we did not hear any news about his release. There were rumors that Zohak was not even alive and that they were lying about releasing him. He had already been killed.

The members of the negotiating team and other influential figures who left Bamiyan were assured that the chair of the Provincial Council was still alive. They once again contacted to ask what the captors wanted from them and whether it was money that they wanted. They shall give them the money. If this person [referring to the victim] has harmed you in anyway, we shall compensate the harm. This continued on until the last day, when they said they would release him. He was supposed to be released at seven in the morning but then it got cancelled to eleven o’clock. And then, it was cancelled again. They said he would be released at seven in the evening.

It was around 11:30 PM. Around that time, the news outlets announced that the Taliban killed Bamiyan’s Provincial Council chair. The next day, they had thrown his body by the side of the road and sadly, planted land mines around him. Until that time, we still had a bit of hope because we wanted to wait until the body was identified and his death could be confirmed. There were land mines around his body so no one could get close until an expert team of bomb diffusers came to Shaikh Ali area from Parwan’s military unit. The people had zoomed on his face with their camera but they said his face could not be seen so it was not clear whether it was Zohak or someone else. After the team came and diffused the land mines, they identified the body as the chair of the Provincial Council. After that, we took the body to Parwan. From there, it was transported to Bamiyan via a helicopter. It was around four in the afternoon when we brought the martyr’s body to Bamiyan.

No, they did not ask for any ransom or anything like that. Like I mentioned previously, there were days when they would say he was going to be released. Some days, they said this two times and on the last day, they said it three times. From seven in the morning, to eleven in morning, and seven in the evening, they were saying he would be released. [They said] now that the people and influential figures came from Bamiyan, we will let him go. They were killing time like this until, unfortunately, we lost him.

One of the people who negotiated with the Taliban directly – I do not remember his name – was the focal person between the people of Bamiyan and the Taliban. He would deliver their word to us and ours to the Taliban. That person used to say that the Taliban will release raees sahib. After everything was over and raees sahib became a martyr, we were told that the Taliban had asked their elders – who were either part of the Quetta Shura or something, or were inside Afghanistan - whether to release him. But they decided that he would not be freed.

The negotiating team did not meet with Zohak at all. The Taliban did not even allow the team to talk with the victim on the phone. Also, even when one person from the family agreed to go there and see the victim just once to be sure he was alive, that was not allowed. No such thing happened. They took his life in a short span of time. If they had told this beforehand, more effort could have been taken at that time. Unfortunately, as I mentioned previously, you cannot manage yourself normally in such a situation because it is very difficult. We are a big family of around 18 to 20 people living together in a house. Trying to calm his family and children and other members of the family was a difficult task.

Under those circumstances, each relative gives a certain advice and one says to do this while the other says to do that, which puts you in a crossroad. At that time, we were not able to manage the situation as we should have or would have. As a result, they [the captors] also came to the conclusion that if this situation gets dragged longer, they might get calls from the higher ups and be forced to release him. Since he was the chair of the Provincial Council and had spent admirable years during the Jihad, he also knew many politicians, be it from Tajiks, Pashtuns, or Hazaras. He had met and interviewed many politicians up the ladder in the government. He had served as the people’s representative for two terms in Bamiyan. All in all, he was well known, so that is why the captors decided to finish the job quickly.

Unfortunately, there were many injuries on his body which indicated torture. It is very difficult for me to say this. His skull bone had become completely soft. His whole body was covered in bruises and injury; he was tortured. There was bullet wound and traces of torture. His bones were broken. The majority of his face was not recognizable. He did not have any kind of animosity with the Taliban. He was the people’s representative, not police or the army. He always traveled through land between Kabul and Bamiyan, although air travel was not available at that time. The airport in Bamiyan was not like it is today and the runway was unpaved. The airlines operating in Bamiyan today did not operate at that time. There was one airline called ‘Pactech’ but everyone preferred land travel over traveling on their airplane. I also have a memory of it. I came to Kabul on that airplane. As though it was going over the land like a car. Air travel was not available at that time as it is today, except for UNAMA which had a helicopter that came to Bamiyan sometimes. The heads of provincial offices, members of the provincial councils, and parliament members travelled with the help of their colleagues in UNAMA. Other than that, there were no airline companies which had scheduled flights during the week. In general, Jawad travelled on land. In addition, there were no such incidents on the Kabul-Bamiyan, Ghorband, and Maidan Wardak routes. You could say that it was completely unprecedented and such thing had happened for the very first time. Other than that, it is not known who had reported him as everyone said something. Certainly, the Taliban have people in all the paths between one province to the other. The other passengers with him and the car which came to deliver his bag to us said that only their car was stopped to pull raees sahib out, and the rest were told to leave. They said the captors came directly towards Zohak while he was in the passenger seat. As they spotted raees sahib in the car, they pulled him out of the car and told everyone else to leave. From what the driver said, it is evident that his whereabouts were reported. It was not an accident.

[Mohamamd Zohak stays silent in response to the question about the condition of Zohak’s wife and children upon receiving his body] Well, it was a difficult time. Although death is inevitable, the sudden death of a loved one who had traveled and you were waiting for his return, is difficult. The fact that the loved one’s body is returned to you is difficult. Although I was not at home at that time, I got a call from Parwan. From what I remember, Parwan’s governor had called the family that the body of raees sahib was transported to the airport in Parwan. He had informed the family that two helicopters will bring his body to Bamiyan. After that, deputy of the minister of defense, General Jawhari – he was a deputy back then – also called that he will reach Bamiyan in an hour. We were busy with these things back then. The airport that you saw, at that time, was unpaved and a helicopter landed. From there, the people accompanied the victim’s corpse to Rahbar Shaheed mosque inside the market area. Yes, on foot... Then, it was decided to not bury him on that day. The elders of Bamiyan and the council made the decision to bury him the next day because many government officials were coming from Kabul. The president’s representative and the provincial council representatives were to come the next day. After a small ceremony, we took the body to the hospital and kept it in the mortuary fridge. By the time we got back home, it was around 7:30-8:00 in the night. It was dark outside when we reached home. The situation in our house was unimaginable and uncontrollable. I was not very old or mature when Zohak died and I became the caretaker of the family. I am around 30-34 years old and this incident took place about 8 or 9 years ago. Managing the household was difficult. His wife, sons and daughter, and my sister and mother, all of us were part of the same household. Although he was a boss and the chair of a provincial council, with his family and extended relatives, he was always like a friend. Without him, we are around 7-8 brothers. With our sisters and other family members, he was always very nice. But when this incident took place, everyone was shocked. It is hard to describe how the situation was at that time.

Still, with whatever little ability we had, we managed ourselves. That night was a very difficult night. By the next day, when the representatives of the provincial council were supposed to come, a number of representatives from Herat, Mazar, and Bamiyan came for the funeral. The next day, we were busy with the funeral and burial of our martyr. As the head of the family, in a way, all of the responsibility for the funeral and burial was on my shoulders. We had funeral ceremonies one after the other. There were ceremonies here and in Yakaolang. After the ceremony in Yakaolang, we had another funeral ceremony in Kabul. I was responsible for the family as well as all the funeral ceremonies. We were busy with those and so was the rest of the family. Well, he was an important and big person. Despite all the difficulties, his death was unbelievable for us. Meaning, it was difficult to bear it. On the other hand, we were obliged to follow the customs and traditions of our society. We were busy with these things until the fortieth day of his passing.

Regarding the reason why this incident happened, he had a saying, if you have heard it, that if the government does not have the money to pave the streets in Bamiyan despite it being an important province and the center of tourism in Afghanistan, then the people will do it themselves. He paved the street in Bamiyan’s market area, all of the streets there. This was a form of civil protest against the government’s neglect. He was protesting for the streets, drinkable water, and issues of electricity. We have a roundabout in Bamiyan called Alakain roundabout. Zohak, along with his other civil activist colleagues, decided to install a lamp so that Bamiyan becomes illuminated. He had a famous saying during Karzai’s term that went like, ‘One eye of the government is blind and unfortunately, Bamiyan exist in the side of that blind eye and that is why they get no attention from the government.’ He was always a critic of the government in a way. However, on his last trip to Herat, two representatives from each provincial council were present. The conference was important in terms of its accountability towards people. Since provincial councils are bodies that observe the government’s actions, even in the conference during his speech, there were some problems and it was about to get cancelled. That was his last engagement with the government. In my opinion, the government was capable – the government has that much power to free the chair of a provincial council from few Taliban members – to save him under those circumstances, as the protection and security of the people is the responsibility of the government. I can say in confidence that the government was negligent. They were so negligent that even the defense deputy minister had posted on his Facebook page that even foreigners were asking for the release of the provincial council chair. They had requested the government for one or two people who could rescue him as foreign nationals were not allowed to use aircrafts and send people to rescue someone who was not their fellow countryman. They had even found the place where raees sahib was held and told [the government] that he was kept in a room with another person. They requested for one or two people to be sent there via a helicopter to rescue Zohak.

The government did not respond to this matter either, unfortunately. I want to say there is a sort of collusion between the government and the Taliban. In all the issues of districts collapsing; the conflict in Kunduz; the conflict in Baghlan; in the assassination of Burhanuddin Rabbani and other assassinations; even Karzai’s brother, who was the head of a provincial council, was assassinated; in all these matters, the government is aware and there is a collusion between them and the Taliban. Those who criticize the government in any way, they are not allowed to succeed and are not tolerated. I am certain that in the assassination of martyr Jawad Zohak, there was some sort of collusion between the government and the Taliban. Both parties cooperate with each other in such matters.

The impact of this incident was that we lost our family [member], he was everyone’s hope and someone we always relied on. I can say that after losing him, our family no longer has been able to be happy in the true sense of it. We sent his wife and children abroad because guaranteeing their safety was beyond my capability, whether they lived in Bamiyan or Kabul. Although I could also go with them through their [asylum] case, I did not leave. I could not go. I could not let go of this place. [His death] definitely left a negative impact on our lives. Especially on his children, who lost their father and their friend at such a young age. The impact will be felt throughout all their lives. It is difficult for all of us, truly difficult. His children and widow do not have any financial or security problems, but we all have mother and fathers and losing such a great father in such a young age is difficult. For us, the loss of such a significant person has left a huge void in our lives.

We took a lot of initiatives, even submitted a petition to the United Nations. We also sent a copy of it to ten other reputable embassies in Kabul. I submitted the petition to the office of the president myself. I delivered the petition to the deceased former vice president, Marshal Fahim, and personally gave another copy to the second vice president, Mohammad Karim Khalili. As for human rights organizations, we sent a copy to the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Organization chaired by Ms. Samar. This was all we were able to do but unfortunately, we have not received any response. In 2017, we submitted a complaint to the International Criminal Court in the Hague through your organization but we have not gotten any result so far. Getting a response for such an incident is difficult in Afghanistan but we will still pursue it. Although I am very disappointed, I will still pursue it. We shall participate in such issues. We hope that we will get a result, although the person we lost cannot come back to life. Still, we hope that all our effort will lead to a possibility of bringing these criminals to the court. We shall participate in that. Inshallah just as such atrocities have happened in other countries like in Europe, Latin American, and even the United States, and after years of the people advocating, the perpetrators were brought to justice. We constantly hear from the media that this dictator or that group has been sentenced to life imprisonment or death. We also hope that these people who have committed such acts shall be dragged to the court and be brought to justice. They shall be asked what right they had to make three children without a father and make a family without their guardian. Who has given you such a right? Certainly, it is not God. We are hopeful that one day they will be brought to justice. Just as you explained before and showed a video, we definitely want a part of his [Jawad's] memories to be there [in the museum] although it is part of our customs that when a person becomes a martyr, their clothes and other items are given to poor people and their personal possessions like wristwatches, rings, pens, mobile phone and such are distributed among the close relatives. The ring is given to this person and the wristwatch is given to that person, like the brother or his children. Just like that, after his passing, everything. We even sent some of his personal belongings to his sister abroad to keep as a memory. However, we have a few of his clothes which can be displayed in the [memory] boxes. We shall place his pictures there which are part of his memories. Aside from that, we have kept his shoes which he wore the very last time. It is still at home and we have not given it to anybody. Yes, we have kept it with us. We are willing to place some of his items with his pictures in the [memory boxes]. How can we not be willing?

Although Jawad Zohak was the youngest child from my grandfather, they were eight brothers in total. Only two of his elder brothers are currently with us but the rest six of them, including Jawad, have passed away. He has two sisters. One of them is here in Bamiyan and the other lives abroad, both of them were elder to Jawad. From among our relatives, only the nephews and nieces are left, two of my aunts and uncles. The country they went to as political refugees provides for their expenses. His children study and his widow is busy taking care of them. They are currently studying. One of his sons is in high school and his daughter, who is also the eldest child, is a first-year college student.

All of us had that one house and we still have it now. My grandfather’s house is in Yakaolang but after the end of the Taliban regime and start of the new government, we came here and built this house.

We remember his behavior almost every evening. He had a busy job as the head of the Provincial Council of a whole province and was occupied with meetings with government officials and the people (part of his responsibility was accountability toward the people). He was very fond of nature and even if he could not do it daily, he still took the whole family out to tour around in Bamiyan valleys whenever he had the time. Sometimes he would tour for only an hour and once time, it was just for half an hour. He was very fond of touring around. One of his best characteristics, besides loving the nature as I explained before, was that he played sports and he would always encourage all of us, one way or the other, to exercise. Although at the end times, because he had sustained an injury, he was not very physically strong and because of that injury, could not do heavy sports. He was very capable in three sports which were Taekwondo, Kung Fu, and gymnastics. In his recent times, when he could not do heavy sports, he was interested in playing tennis. He liked playing tennis but there were not many facilities at that time but there was a table tennis inside a hall in Telecommunications Directorate and he always played there. His other good feature was that he never had any bad intentions toward other people. Whenever I would say that this person is not a good person, all from lack of experience, he would tell me, “No, you might not have the experience or the age to pass a judgement on whether a person is good or bad. This might just be your opinion of that person that they are but in reality, they could be good people.” He would tell me that that person might be good but your impression of them might be bad. It is also possible that the other person also has a negative impression of you but that does not mean that either you or that person is bad. He would also tell me that these all are the judgements that we make about people. In general, he did not like improper judgements of people.

He would advise us that such a characteristic was not good. He would always want the good of the people and even today, if you ask the people of Bamiyan, they would tell you about his good behavior. Issues of language, ethnicity, and identity did not matter to him. He would say that we all are humans and that all of us should find a way to live a life that is worthy for a human being. Definitely, all people were not created in once place and all of us belong to a certain district and area, but such issues like a person’s background did not matter to him. He had good behavior. He was very kind to all family members and most of people. If he wanted someone to realize that they had made a mistake, he would do it with humor and in a joking manner. His humorous nature is well known among the politicians, whether they are in Kabul or Bamiyan.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

The Phone Was Burnt in The Incident, but the SIM Card Remains Intact

Narrator: Soghra (wife)

Victim: Mohammad Jawad Alipour

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

My husband was born in Mashhad in Iran. When he was 10, he and his family returned to Afghanistan, to the district of Ghorian, in Herat Province. They started working and studying in a compound with some agricultural lands attached. He lived there until he was 17, but they abandoned their land and moved to Herat during the first period of Taliban rule. At the age of 17, he traveled back to Iran and lived there until the age of 22. His family lived in Herat city, and we were acquaintances who had known each other since childhood. Later, they proposed to me to marry their son. At the age of 22, when he returned to the country, we got married immediately. Eight years have passed since our wedding, and we have three children: two boys and one girl. My eldest son is seven-years-old, my second son is four-years-old, and my daughter is three-months-old. She was born after her father’s martyrdom. In Iran, he operated rebar machinery. When he returned to Afghanistan, he lived with us for almost six months. He then joined the National Army. He served in the National Army for nine months in 2010. He was dispatched to the border with Pakistan and his work there was dangerous. Sometimes, he could not even contact us.

His father suffers from cardiovascular disease, so he was concerned about my husband’s health. Following that period of ten months, he didn’t allow his son to continue serving in the national army. Out of respect for his father, he quit his army job after he left hospital [following an injury]. When he returned home, my eldest son was three months old. Once again, my husband had to go to Iran to look for work. He stayed there almost a year and a half. Following his return from Iran, he partnered with one of his friends and started doing welding jobs, and he was still doing this up the time of his martyrdom. One of his dreams was to invent a device. He would always tell me that he wished he had studied more and that our economic situation was better. Then he would make a device that would be recorded as part of the story of his life. I always encouraged him and said, "God is great, and our living situation will improve one day."

He was very interested in reading and read many religious books. He did not have many friends and spent most of his time on Fridays with us and reading books. After finishing Friday prayer and returning home from the mosque, he would always recite the Holy Quran. He has three brothers, but they are not like my husband. Because of his good morals, his father was very fond of him; he was happy with him. When his son was martyred, he was not in a good state of mind. We even moved from the house where we had lived to a different place. His father used to say, “At the time of the morning Azan [call to prayer], I feel my son calling me for prayer and saying: ‘Dad, I have prepared water for you to do your ablutions.’”

In fact, his dream came true as he always wished to become a martyr. In his diary, he detailed the hardships and problems he faced in his childhood, for example, the difficulties he encountered when he was smuggled abroad, and the bitter times he had weaving carpets as a child. After my son was enrolled in kindergarten, my husband would always help him with his homework, despite being very tired after he came home from work. He would say that he had suffered a lot and would leave no stone unturned to help his children educated. Even though I would help my son with his assignments, he was thrilled when his father encouraged him. He would always tell me to set aside a room for our children so that they could study peacefully and become people of influence later in life. I have decided to be an excellent mother to my children until the very last moments of my life. I even try to fill the void left by their father’s death, so that they never feel unprotected and lonely. His caring nature has influenced my own behavior, and made me decide this. He never spoke to me harshly in the eight years of our married life, not even once. Sometimes it was I who was harsh, but he always stayed calm and encouraged me not to get enraged because it was not worth living a sad life.

At night, when chatting with me, he would say, “Soghra, just think for a moment about the resurrection, the grave, and the other world. This world and life are not worth being greedy for or unhappy about.” I used to tell him, “Do you act as you say?” He would say, “Yes, before I go to sleep, I close my eyes for a moment and think about the Day of Resurrection, about the grave, and about good behavior. Once I gain serenity, I easily fall asleep.” Now that we have lost him, I think of his words before going to sleep. I cry and laugh simultaneously at his simplicity and honesty. When I think about him, I miss him greatly. When I recall his words, I fall asleep despite my sadness. May God bless him. We have no bad or unpleasant memories of him; we have only good memories, a lot of them. He used to take me with him for Friday prayers, and after praying, he would call me not to go home alone. He was waiting for me when I came out of the women’s section. On Muharram nights, he would wait for me and we would walk home together, while some people used to go home individually.

On Fridays, he would take me, especially my children, to the park or special shrines to have fun. Because conditions in Afghanistan, especially in Herat, were not good. He used to advise me not to leave the children unattended in the alleyway. He used to say that the kids should have fun. Sometimes his father would worry about us. My husband would secretly take the children to parks and remote areas when it was nice weather so they would not feel distressed. In the last days of Ramadan, he traveled from Kabul to Herat and stayed at home with us for a week after Eid. A day before he returned to Kabul - I don’t know what he was thinking - he took the motorcycle out early in the morning and gave the kids and me a ride across Herat City. He told us, “I want you to see nice and beautiful places in Herat. Maybe I will never return home this time.” Lately, he talked about death and did not let us have a bad time. Every time I recall his actions and approaches, I feel sad, and my heart breaks.

Some people demonstrated in Herat in support of the mandate of the Enlightenment Movement. He wanted to participate but his father did not allow him to, saying he had a bad feeling about it, and would not let him sacrifice himself. But he told his father, “I must participate. We have to support the Hazaras. If we stay home, other people will also stay home, and then who will be at the demonstration, which is our right?” He had a book he would often read, entitled ‘Hazara History.’ He believed the Hazara should be proud.

When he went to Kabul, he didn’t tell us about the July 23rd demonstration. We did not even know he might take part in it. The only person he told that the was going to the rally was his work partner. After finishing work in Kabul, he bought a return ticket to Herat. A few days earlier, he had hurt his foot at work. At 11 o’clock on the day of the incident, I called him and asked him why he had not been more careful, and asked him how he had hurt his leg. He said: “No, it’s fine. My foot was not hurt badly, it is much better now.” He was working in an industrial zone in Kabul. When I asked him where he was, he said he was going to Dehmazang but did not tell me that he was going there to join in the demonstration. That was our last call. After he said goodbye, we never talked to each other again.

Almost 12 days had passed since we’d seen him before he travelled to Kabul, and his work was not finished yet. His cousins, who were working with him, had already returned to Herat on Friday. But he had booked a ticket to return home on Saturday. His cousins had even urged him to go home with them on Friday, but he refused to go on Friday, saying he would return to Herat on Saturday instead. Mainly, they worked in Herat, and their work included cutting, metals, PEB structural sheds, and welding. He had two cutting machines, one in Kabul and the other in Herat. He had gone to Kabul to install this machine.

Whenever he talked about martyrdom, I would immediately stop him and argue against it, saying, “Don’t yearn for martyrdom because if you die one day, what should I do with two sons and the little girl on the way?” He used to say that a person should not grow old because his sins also increase as he ages. He said my children have God, and he knows how to help them and to help me. He would tell me to think of how much he could help us if he became a martyr. He really believed it was not worthwhile living a long life.

After my husband’s martyrdom, my sons always ask about their father. I teach tailoring. On that day, I was in the classroom teaching students when my mother-in-law called me and asked if I knew about Jawad. I told her I had called him, but his phone was switched off. She asked if I had watched TV, and I said no. In the afternoon, the children sleep, and we don’t turn on the TV until their homework is finished and their grandfather has watched the news. Again, she said, go home and turn on the TV. I went home and turned on the TV. TOLO News was airing live footage from Dehmazang. I felt terrible, and my worries increased. My two sons and I did not know about his martyrdom until three days later, when his body was brought to Herat. We did not have anyone to transfer my husband’s body. His brothers and cousins had departed that night [to get his body] but they did not inform me. When I asked them, they said they had not found him. Of course, they had found him, but they wouldn’t tell me anything because of my condition. I was pregnant with my daughter at the time. I just sat all day on the dirt in the front yard, holding the phone in my hand, unable to do anything else. When I cried, my children frequently brought me water. My eldest son said, “Mom! When you cry, I get thirsty.”

When I recall those moments, my heart is on fire; I just shed tears because of this great sorrow. Once I learned about it, the family said that his children shouldn’t see him because it would impact their mental well-being, but I said that it was wrong because if they don’t see their father, they will always wait for him to come. My husband always called my children at night before they went to bed, spoke with them, and asked them what they wanted him to bring them from Kabul. They told their father to get them a bicycle. That’s why I told them it’s better to show them their father’s face.

My younger son didn’t believe that the body was his father’s. When my eldest son saw his father, he said, “Alas, my father sleeps forever.” When my eldest son completes his homework, he tells his little brother every night that their dad has become a butterfly and gone to the sky. He points to the brightest star in the sky and says it is their dad. If my little son makes noise, his big brother will tell him, “Didn’t daddy say don’t bother your mother? If you annoy my mother and me again, he will not forgive you, but since he has become a spirit, he will not return to us.” Even while eating, he says to my younger son, “Didn’t daddy always tell you that you should sit cross-legged at the table?” He recalls his father all the time, and quotes my husband’s statements to his little brother.

I was teaching tailoring from 3 to 6 pm. I got ready at 2:30 and went to the class. I was in my classroom until 5. There was an hour left when my mother-in-law called me and told me to go home. The moment she said her call [to my husband] did not go through, believe me, my hands and feet started shaking. I told my students that I was going home and left the class. When I got home, I turned on the TV. Seeing the painful scenes of Dehmazang, I was crying and kept calling, hoping that an acquaintance might locate my husband. My husband was missing for two nights. My sister-in-law is studying in Kabul, and she tried to find him through Facebook, but every time I called her, she said she did not find anyone named Jawad Hossaindad, and if she did, they belonged to other provinces. My poor son-in-law went to Kabul from Mazar-e-Sharif and started looking for him. I kept phoning his number, and kept asking him about my husband. The poor guy would sometimes not answer my calls when he started to become frustrated with his fruitless searching.

On the day of the incident, when my husband was martyred, somebody had found his phone, taken out the SIM card from his burnt phone, and put it in his own mobile phone. The only number that had appeared on the SIM card was the number of my husband’s uncle. He had contacted the number and had asked whose phone number it was. My husband’s uncle had said that the number belonged to his nephew. Then, the caller said that the phone was burnt in the incident and only the SIM card was left intact. Hearing the news, my husband’s uncle became disappointed and realized that Jawad had been martyred. After hearing the news, he informed my brother-in-law and my brother-in-law booked a ticket and went to Kabul the same night. But they did not tell me anything. Then they spent two nights in Kabul, and on the third night, they said that Jawad was fine and they would return to Herat. I was so happy. I asked why he didn’t call me or talk to me if he was okay. Why didn’t his phone ring? Whenever he went to Kabul, we had made an arrangement that he would call me at 9 in the morning because I was at home in the morning doing tailoring. Then in the evenings, at 6 o’clock I would wait for his call, and once my eldest son finished his homework, he would talk to his dad.

He was not like some other men who treated kids harshly when they got home. When he got home, he would play hide and seek with his children. Children love a happy father; they were always pleased to play with their father. I frequently told him to show some seriousness, but he would say it would be okay if children were guided to the right path through smiles and happiness since they will never be taught by hitting and cursing. One day before the incident (i.e. on Friday) he called and said he felt extremely sad. He asked his children to read him the poems they had learned in kindergarten and school. I feel despondent when I remember what he did on the Friday. When I heard about my husband’s martyrdom, I didn’t eat or drink anything for two days and two nights. When my sisters saw me, they insisted I ate something and said since I was pregnant, if I didn’t eat food, I could become dehydrated, and the baby would be damaged. I told them I had lost my appetite.

The day they found Jawad, his brother called me and said they had found him, he was injured lightly, and they would bring him to Herat. That morning, I was thrilled. I had breakfast, and it was so luscious that I still remember the taste of it. After having breakfast, as soon as I folded the tablecloth, I noticed two vehicles in front of our gate, and all our close and distant relatives were coming through our gate. When they entered, I asked my mother why they had come. My mother said they were there to visit Jawad. As soon as I had eye contact with my brother, my heart trembled. This brother of mine had been friends with my husband since childhood, and he loved him very much. My brother had cried a lot, and his eyes had turned all red. When I looked at my brother, I immediately realized the truth of what had happened. My brother could not look me in the eye. We ran towards each other when I saw him and we cried a lot. I don’t recall those moments clearly. I didn’t know where I was.

In the afternoon, the body was taken to the mosque. I kept comforting myself, hoping that maybe there had been some mistake and that this body was not Jawad. When I looked at my husband’s face, I told myself it was him, but I still comforted myself and wished it was all a terrible mistake. Even now, I think he has gone to work. I don’t believe he was martyred. I visit his grave on Fridays, talk to him and open my heart. I regularly think about the things he used to do. I comfort myself and say that it was his wish to be martyred, and that it’s good that he got what he wanted. Now God is with us. Every person, male or female, has dreams for his life and for his children. I try to fulfill my husband’s wish to educate my children. I try to provide for them through work and tailoring, until they can stand on their own two feet. So that they don’t feel that void left by their father’s death.

My eldest son is a brilliant and kindhearted child. He always talks about his father but never asks me about him. When his little brother asks me about his father, his older brother advises him that I will get upset and that he should stop talking and asking about their father. My little son asks so many questions! We buried my husband in a shrine campus in Jibra’il District. Because my husband’s grave is far from our house, my younger son kept asking questions and misbehaving. He asked questions like: “Why did you bury my dad? Who told you to put him under the ground? Dad will be spoiled there.” The following day, when we visited my husband’s grave, we found another martyr buried next to him. My younger son walked over to his grave and then jumped on his father’s grave and said, “Dad, why did you sleep under the ground? Why can’t I see your hands and feet?” He kept asking why his father’s shirt was not visible. He yelled and asked to dig up the ground and get his father out. Until Eid al-Adha, he was hopeful that his father would come back home. When my nephew talked to him about his father, my son would also say, “My father, too, will come and bring me a gift from Kabul.”

His grandfather always watches the news on TV. When my son hears news of a suicide attack, he says, “My father, too, was martyred in a suicide attack.” In the month of Muharram, when I was taking him out, he would be afraid of the police and say they killed his father. He would cry and say they had killed his father and he would hide under my chador. I have no other demands to make of the government. I just want them to know that they need to pay attention to the children of martyrs. I ask human rights organizations to assist the martyrs’ families. They should provide educational opportunities for the children of martyrs, because if they don’t have access to work and education, they may end up in adverse situations. Economic conditions are an important issue. If youth have access to employment and education, they will never turn to drugs. We all know that poverty is a crucial reason for delinquency among teenagers and youth. I hope my children can study and have a bright future. Sometimes, when I think about how I lost my husband and a life partner at 27, I comfort myself, believing I am not alone and should stay strong.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

He Rebuilt the School Building

Narrator: Amin Dadfar (brother)

Victim: Reza Ebrahimi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

My brother was 15-years-old when we lost our father. My other brother, Mohammad Juma, was older than Reza Ebrahimi. Mohammed Juma used to live in Iran and was the breadwinner of the family. This elder brother worked in a field in Iran two days per week and did the hard work assigned by the land owner. He worked there for four years to help the family and left for Iran at the age of 18. The journey was arduous and on the way, he was taken hostage by thieves and imprisoned in the Tal-e Siya prison near the Iran-Afghanistan border. He was kept in jail for two months. They held my brother hostage with ten other people but released his friends and told them to send money when they arrived in Iran to buy my brother’s freedom. Two months later, my brother was finally released and managed to go to Iran.

When he arrived in Iran, he was determined that all his younger brothers should attend school and live a comfortable life. He provided us with money and other necessities of life. One of my brothers, younger than Reza, was not that interested in school. But my older brother and I continued going to school. The second thing Mohammed Juma did for us was to repair and renovate our house in our hometown. During his time in Iran, he engaged in sports. Within five years, he became a sports trainer. After five years in Iran, my elder brother returned to Afghanistan and travelled to our hometown. Reza left for Europe. He traveled with five of his friends and was the group leader. During their journey, they suffered a lot. When a smuggler gave them a boat in the Greek [Aegean]sea, he had to take control of it. He was fearless and helped everyone. One of his friends had become seasick, and he encouraged him to carry on. When they had come across a whale, again, he had comforted others, and they managed to cross the sea.

When they had landed on the coast by morning, one of his friends, who had been very tired, had laid down on the beach but the tide washed him away and my brother immediately jumped into the water and saved him. Then he encouraged everyone to move away from the coast, even though they felt weak. They had to tear up the boat they had sailed in, so they were not put on board the same ship and returned if the police arrested them. When the police approached the island, my brother fled and took refuge in a green, densely wooded area.

My brother described his experience: “After the police left the area, I stayed there until the surrounding areas became quiet. Only then I noticed that a giant dog was standing near me. I stayed still; the dog stood there for 20 minutes and then went away. I was exhausted, hungry, and thirsty because I had not eaten anything at night. I was on the run when the police arrested me. They asked me where my friends were. I told them I was alone. They didn’t believe me and said you must have a companion, or maybe you are a smuggler. I was imprisoned for five days. Then, they released me and took me to Athens, the capital of Greece. After a month, I found my friends.”

My brother, Reza, was a very active person. He lived in Greece for two years and worked in agriculture. In the third year, he went to England with his three friends. On a rainy night, my brother and 15 other people, including 8 Pakistanis and 7 Afghans, tried to hide in a stream but the Pakistanis did not allow the Afghans to hide there. Angry at this, my brother threatened to beat some Pakistanis. He was athletic and strong, and when the Pakistanis saw this, they decided not to mess with him. My brother had taken his friends out of the stream and they had hidden somewhere else. Later, they moved to France and stayed there for six months. Their journey was very challenging. He said they had to cling underneath trailer trucks to hide and move from one city to another. They would use their clothes bags as pillows when they slept during the night. They had no idea where the trucks were headed: Africa, Europe, Australia, or even Pakistan. So they arrived at their destination, England. He lived in England for two years but was not accepted because he was an adult. So eventually he returned to Afghanistan. He worked hard and was always popular with people.

Reza got married in our hometown and then was nominated and elected as head of the community council. One of the public works he did for the people was constructing a road that connected our area with a neighbouring region. He also upgraded the elementary school into a high school and renovated its building. He was very good-tempered and treated people with care and respect.

One of my brothers is older than me. He graduated from twelfth grade in the same year. Reza told him to study any field he likes and not to worry about tuition. Taking part in the university entrance exam, my brother was accepted for the two-year electrical engineering course, but in the end, he didn’t enjoy it and said he wanted to work in national security instead. After two years of struggle, he was offered a job in national security and returned to Daikundi. When the incident happened on July 23, I was at the Institute. I kept calling my brother’s number, but he didn’t pick up. I called his friends, but they didn’t give a concrete answer. I left for Kote-Sangi. I then realized I should call the driver of the vehicle in which my brother rides. When I called him, he told me, “Reza Ebrahimi is with me, and I have just come out of Esteqlal hospital and want to go to Wazir Mohammad Akbar Khan hospital.”

I recall him calling me several times a day for the entire year I had been in Kabul. He asked me where I was, what I was doing, and whether I had attended classes. He was very kind. I felt disappointed because he would never have left my calls unanswered, so if he did not answer, he must be in a bad way. When I arrived at Wazir Muhammad Akbar Khan hospital, his condition was critical; one of his legs was broken. I approached his bed. As soon as he saw me, he grabbed my feet. I tried to stay calm and not to cry. I told him he would be fine. Then, we transferred him to the 400-bed hospital. After he regained consciousness, he started cracking jokes with a friend of his who was a policeman, who had also been injured.

Reza asked me how I did my exams. I said I had only one exam left. He wanted me to get an inquiry letter and finish the exam. Following that, he talked to my brother, who worked in national security. He assured Reza not to worry about home. He told me I should not lose patience and stay focused on my studies after he is taken to India for medical treatment. “I have asked our brother to send you money from Daikundi.” He was taken to India with other wounded people on Friday. I was thrilled that he would recover in India. I attended classes on Saturday and Sunday. On Monday, I spoke with him. He sounded sad compared to the first days. A friend of his was with me. They talked a lot and he seemed happier talking to his friend. At 8 p.m., I went to my room; my friends had prepared food. I had dinner and wanted to call my brother Reza. I turned my mobile data on. One of my brothers, who lives in Iran with his family, was online and sent me photos of his sons. He asked me how Reza was doing. I said, “Thank God, he will be fine.”

In the meantime, my brother’s friend Abbas sent me a message asking how I was doing and what updates I had. The guy texted me again and said, “How are you? What is going on at home?” I said I was fine and so was the family. The person who was with my brother, his friend, was called Abbas. I asked him if Reza was fine. He said, “He is fine. Pray for him, and God willing, he will be fine. Make a vow for him.” I said, “I do pray, and now I will pray some more.” Following that call, Abbas’s phone and internet were turned off. Ten minutes later, a person named Hashem called me and said, “Dadfar, can I tell you something?” I said yes, tell me. With a lump in his throat, he said it was God’s wish. God took Reza Ebrahimi from us. I was shocked and immediately asked him what had happened. Hashem said, “Reza had a heart attack, and the doctors could not save him.”

I hung up the phone and informed my elder brother in Iran. He cried a lot over the phone and told me he would leave for Afghanistan the next day. My other brother, who was on duty, said he would go to Daikandi tomorrow. My other brother, who lived in Herat, only knew about Reza’s injury. He was in Iran, too, and arrived in Kabul on Monday. Upon the arrival of Reza’s body from India, we transferred it to the morgue in the 400-bed hospital because the high temperature could have impacted the body. When everyone arrived in Kabul, we moved to Daikundi on Tuesday and laid Reza to rest. He departed this life and left us alone in grief.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

His Mother Lost Her Sanity Balance After the Incident

Narrator: Hussain Ali (father)

Victim: Kazim Hakimi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

My son was born in 1988, in the Varas District. He was five years old when we migrated to the Kerman region, a part of Panjaw District in Bamiyan Province. He was very interested in school and we enrolled him in a local school, which he attended up to grade 7. But due to the lack of facilities and shortage of teachers in his school, he started to lose interest.

Subsequently, he voluntarily went to Iran, where he learned the trade of plastering. At 18, he returned to Afghanistan and married the daughter of one of our relatives. They were married for ten years. Almost a year ago, my son came to Kabul from Panjaw and rented a house in western Kabul. He has four little daughters, but life was not kind to him and his family. On the 23rd of July, he participated in the demonstration and lost his life in a brutal attack by some ungodly people.

After the accident and his martyrdom, his mother lost her sanity, her mental balance. According to the doctors, she has developed a neurological disorder. His wife and four kids live a hard life in the same rented house. I have become old and am also going through financial hardship. He was 28-years-old when he was martyred. Losing a young child breaks a person's back. We have all been downhearted since then.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

There Were 18 Bullet Wounds on His Body

Narrator: Parimah (mother)

Victim: Qurban Ali Ahmadi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

I am the mother of the martyr Qurban Ali. He was a hard-working, decent boy who had laboring jobs. He was almost seven when I first sent him to school. After a while, he said, “Mom, I can't continue going to school because I am the son of a poor family, and I have to provide for our living expenses so our life will get a little better.” One day, he didn't come home on time. I looked everywhere but I couldn't find him.

Back then, we lived in Chindawol. I suddenly saw him sweeping in front of a shop near the Behzad cinema. I went to him and asked him what he was doing there. He said, “I have become an apprentice here.” He worked at the same shop for nine years. The shop owner was from Sheikh Ali. He was a charming and kind person. For almost nine years, he did metalwork in his shop. He had mastered the job, was working in different places, and kept telling me that I should get him a shop so that he could start his own business. But I told him he couldn't run the business alone because the rent on the property was high, we could not afford the payment, and he could lose money. So he worked with his elder brother. It had taken us a lot of effort to arrange my eldest son’s marriage. Life used to be good at that time, to some extent. Then, after being married two years, my eldest son's wife died. A year later, my husband passed away. After that, the problems followed one after the other.

As my eldest son, Qurban Ali, grew older, he became quite successful in his profession. He used to make and sell doors and rails. As a result of all his hard work, our living conditions improved. One day, I told him, “Only God knows how long I will live. So let me get you married!” I continued and asked him, “How long do you think you can live in your brother's house? It may not work out for much longer." He didn't say anything. So I decided to mortgage my land in my hometown, cashed in my savings, and borrowed two hundred thousand Afghanis from the bank. With the total amount, I managed to get him married. For a year, we lived with Qurban Ali. Then I made my sons go and live separately. I distributed the debt between them. One of my sons got a house in Chindawol, and the other lived in a different place. I was living with Qurban Ali. He worked and provided for household expenses and continued paying his debt. He always said, “I wish to pay off my debts and then send my mother to Karbala [pilgrimage] because she has worked hard for me since I was a child. Later I will rent a house so that we can all live comfortably [together].” But now, how sad it is that he has gone before his own mother. He has left me alone. I am grateful to have two more sons, but no one can fill the void he left behind.

On the day of the incident, I wanted to go to my other son Mohammad Ali's house. I told Qurban Ali to go to work, but he said he wanted to go and join the demonstration. I told him, “It is none of your business; go to work.” He told me, “I participated in the first demonstration. Last time, they placed containers on our way. I climbed up on top of one of the containers and took photos of people taking part in the demonstration.” I said, “Have you gone nuts? Why did you climb up on top of a container? How is all this even your business?” No matter how much I insisted, he would not agree. I asked him to call me and update me as soon as he got there. As I left for Barchi, I noticed the road was closed. I turned around and went to Mohammad Ali's house via another road, Chehl Soton Road. There is a mosque near Mohammad Ali's house, where I performed prayer before having lunch.

Mohammad Ali’s wife was cracking almonds, and I helped her by separating out the kernel of the almonds from the cracked shells. We forgot all about the demonstration. Suddenly I remembered that Qurban Ali was supposed to be taking part in the rally, so I picked up the phone and called him. His coworker, a Sunni man, had named him Hasib. I called and asked him, “Where are you, Hasib, my love?” He said, "I am in Dehmazang, don't worry!” and I continued working. I never imagined a suicide bomber would get into the demonstration and that my son would be martyred. In fact, I even asked my eldest son why he was not in the demonstration. He told me, “Mom, the roads are closed, so that's why I am staying home.”

I must have gone insane that day! One of my sons was killed, he was martyred, and there I am encouraging the other to go to the same demonstration! The landlord's son told my other son that there had been an explosion in Dehmezang. For a moment, I felt as if I had fallen to the ground from high in the sky. It was like my heart was being squeezed. I kept calling Qurban, but he did not pick up his phone. I told my eldest son that Qurban was in Dehmezang, and called him again, but again he did not answer the call. My eldest son said: "Mother, you worry too much. A suicide attack has happened in Dehmezang. He must be busy helping the wounded and martyrs because many people have died. Qurban Ali will be fine."

When Mohammad Ali and I called again, neither of us received an answer. I was losing my senses, I was so worried. I told Mohammad Ali that I had to go to Dehmazang myself. I left the house and went to Pol-e Khoshk. When I got there, one of my relatives saw me and asked me where I was going. I explained that Hasib had joined in the demonstration and that after the explosion, he wasn’t answering our calls. My relative told me, “Do not worry. Go back home and I’ll go get him.” He took my phone. I don’t know why, maybe he knew that Hasib had been killed. I came out of the house several times between three and six o'clock. I was standing at Pol-e Khoshk bus station and intended to go to the mosque and pray. Up to that moment, I did not remember that I had to perform prayer. I was just wandering around full of anxiety. A mother would prefer to be buried herself than to see her young child die before her.

At that exact moment, I saw another relative, named Ismail, passing by. I ran after him but could not catch up with him. He went into mosque and I entered the mosque but could not see anyone inside. I came out and noticed three relatives approaching me. One of them, named Sarwar, was not feeling well. I asked what had happened to him. He said he had been slightly injured. I asked him if he knew where Hasib was. He said he was coming with Muhammad Ali.

Women have no other resort. That's why I started crying. I was slapping myself and crying. They took me home. When I opened the gate of the house, I saw my niece clapping hands and saying, “What are we going to say to Hasib's mother?” As soon as I heard her saying that, I broke down, slapping my face and pulling my hair, and that’s when I noticed Qurban Ali’s dead body. I was unable to stand. They took him to the mosque and bathed him. Blood was flowing from the stream in front of the mosque.

My other son sat next to me and said, “Mom, please don't cry, calm down.” Eighteen bullet wounds could be seen on Qurban Ali's body. The bone on one side of his head was missing. His hair was stuck to one side of his head, and his leg was broken. It was 10 p.m., and the blood continued flowing from Qurban Ali's body. With all the shops closed, there was no cloth to make a burial shroud. There wasn't even plastic to stop the bleeding. Since the bleeding did not stop, they brought lime from outside and put it on the wounds, but no matter how much lime they put on the wound, the bleeding would not stop. As an ultimate solution to stop bleeding, they mixed cotton with lime and placed it on the wounds, and the wounds were then wrapped in a plastic sheet.

There was no cloth to make a shroud. May God bless my cousin; he brought a shroud. It was 11 pm, and the relatives who had gathered in our house said that it was not possible to bury the body at this time; they would take the body home for that night and bury him the next day. When we wanted to take my son's body home, the landlord would not allow us to take the martyr’s body into the house. So we had to bury him at 11 p.m. that same night.

We returned home at 2 am. I had nothing at home to feed people with. My son was a decent and virtuous man. May God never make any mother grieve for her young child and, for the sake of Imam Hossein, never let any family be dishonored.

Now that he is dead, his children are left without a guardian and his wife has left for her father's house. She was my niece, and her parents took her back to their hometown. The young daughter of my son is now living with me. I am sixty years old, and I take care of his daughter.

I am facing many problems, and I cannot bear the burden alone. I pray for Afghanistan to become peaceful so that I can earn a legitimate income and raise my granddaughter. I raised my son in poverty, but unfortunately he left me alone in my old age and rested in peace himself. One of my sons was killed at 18 during the war under Baba Mazari’s command. I have suffered a lot.

People’s young sons and daughters were martyred. Dehmazang had become a battle-zone in Karbala. It must have been God's will for my other child to be martyred. Once again, God put me to a tough test. I pray to live long enough to witness little Fatima grow up. She is one and a half years old now. I am apprehensive and believe that if I die, Fatima will be helpless. She will have no one to take care of her. The unknown fate of Fatima is as sad as all the sorrows of my life put together, and so is the grief of losing my son. I am just forever grateful to be alive so I can care for this innocent child. Wherever I go, she comes with me and starts crying when she is away from me.

I pray to God to have mercy on us for the sake of this innocent child. Amen.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

It Is Our People’s Right to Have Electricity

Narrator: Nasrin (wife)

Victim: Amir Mohammad Rahimi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

In the name of God,

I am Nasrin, the wife of the martyr Amir Mohammad. I have 5 children, two girls and three boys. We come from Bamiyan Province, in the district of Shibar, from Shanbal Village. We currently live in Kabul. Amir Mohammad was 45-years-old when he was martyred. However, I found out his age was recorded as older than that on his Tazkira (National ID Card).

Hamed, The Martyr’s Son:

My father was born in Kabul in 1970. He attended the Asif Mayil High School in Qala Nazer up to the 12th grade. My father had very good manners and morals and always encouraged us to do good deeds.

The Martyr's wife:

He studied up to the 12th grade. After that, he did not continue with his studies because of his difficult financial situation, and he started working. Sixteen years had passed since our marriage. He behaved very well with everyone and was a sociable and friendly person. He was very benevolent and calm. At home, he treated me and my children well. He always told us that we should defend our rights. Before the 23rd July demonstration, he would go to Mosala to participate in social events, especially those related to the Movement. He used to participate in the early meetings of the Movement and when he came home, he would talk about the right of our people. He used to say: “Electricity is a right of our people and we will stand up against the government if it violates our rights.”

He was self-employed. In the winter season, he worked with his cousin who had a store, selling Turkish stoves in Qala-e Nazer. My husband was literate and his cousin was illiterate, that's why he managed the finances of his cousin’s store. His cousin was the store owner and Amir Mohammad managed the store’s financial affairs. His dream was for his children to get an education. He was always kind at home and believed that there should not be a tense environment at home when life was already so difficult. When the issue of the 23rd July demonstration came up, I did not consent to him going to Dehmazang. I told him I did not want him taking part in the demonstration because an attack might happen. He answered, “We belong to this land and it is the right of our people to have access to electricity. We must defend the rights of our people and stand up against injustice.”

Hamed, The Martyr’s Son:

At first, it was decided that he would not go and take part in the demonstration. We tried to prevent my father from going, but his enthusiasm and his love for the people made him go to Dehmazang. We were watching the Dehmzang demonstration live on TV when the suicide attack happened. We immediately called my father to know where he was. He said he was in Dehmzang and had been injured. He was taken to Imam Ali Hospital. We got to the hospital. Since it was very crowded at this hospital and it was not possible for the staff to take care of all the patients, we transferred him to the Imam Zaman Hospital in Barchi.

The Martyr's wife:

His back was wounded, but he was not hurt severely. When we took him to the Imam Zaman Hospital, the doctor could not operate on him properly. At first, we didn't notice anything. But after a few days, his condition worsened. He suddenly had a seizure. We took him to the Rahel Hospital. They explained that all the fluid in his head was leaking into his body, and this was causing a problem with the lack of fluid in his brain. He was operated on again, but did not recover. The bullet had hit his back, but his spinal cord was not hurt.

Hamed, The Martyr’s Son:

First, we took him to Naser Khosrow Hospital. They told us there was a good specialist at the Imam Zaman Hospital in Barchi who could operate on the wounded, that's why we took him there and the doctor at this hospital operated on him.

The Martyr's wife:

When we visited him, Amir Mohammad said, "A police pick-up truck came in Dehmazang and I got on the back of the truck.” There were other wounded with him and that is how he got to the hospital.

Hamed, The Martyr’s Son:

At that time, his condition was not so serious. His legs were hurt, one leg was fractured, but it was not severe. In the Square, he wanted to find my cousin who was there at the demonstration, but he could not find him, and so he managed to get into the pick-up truck and get to hospital.

The Martyr's wife:

We took him to another hospital. Following the surgical operation, his legs stopped moving. Before the first operation, his leg was simply fractured due to the blast that had thrown him onto the ground. The doctor was dishonest; he didn't tell us before the operation that he didn't have the ability to perform the surgery. It would have been better if we could have transferred him to a better hospital or take him to Pakistan or India for the operation. After the operation, Amir Mohammad remained in a coma for four days. He never again opened his eyes. He repeatedly had seizures, and his brain fluid leaked through his back. He was hospitalized for four days in Rahel Hospital.

Hamed, The Martyr’s Son:

Preparations were made for taking him to India; we wanted to take him abroad for treatment, but he died before that could happen.

The Martyr's wife:

After my husband’s martyrdom/death, I went to the doctor to file a complaint. I asked him why he had performed such a critical operation when he lacked the know-how. He had nothing to say. When he met me, he held his head down; he was clearly embarrassed. I said to the doctor that he should have told us to take him to India or Pakistan for treatment. “Why did you do something that was beyond your ability?” Every time he examined my husband, he said, “It is okay, let this fluid come out of his body, because this is pus.” White fluid like milk came out of his back. Sometimes he could not straighten himself up easily; his back could sometimes not move. My husband died because of the negligence of this doctor. His leg was slightly fractured in the incident, and if the operation had not been done in that hospital, he could still be alive today.

I will never forgive this doctor because he ruined our life. After my husband’s martyrdom, my brother-in-law has been helping us because my son has to go to school; he can’t work. Now we have no other choice. God took my husband from us and we cannot do anything other than remain patient.

I ask the government to pay attention to the families of the Martyrs. The independent human rights commission should investigate this crime. My children are all young; my youngest son is just three years old. Now they are helpless. Their uncle can only help us for one year. The economic situation in the entire country is already bad without one family having to support another family for a long time. Since my children are young, I can't work and leave them alone. So, if there is any sewing or embroidery opportunity that I can do from home, I will definitely start working. My children must get an education and have a bright future.

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 3, 2017, anti-government groups including the Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting lasted until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad District administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the administrative centre has been under the control of anti-government groups for more than one year.

On August 7, 1998, following a renewed conflict with the Northern Front, Taliban forces entered Mazar-e-Sharif in Balkh Province. In the initial days, they detained and executed thousands of civilians, primarily Hazaras. Within the first 3 days, the Taliban forces declared a general massacre targeting the city's Shia population. According to witnesses, the scale of the violence left bodies strewn across the streets. It took days to remove all the bodies. Sayyed Musa was among the civilian casualties of the Taliban's massacre.

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On August 7, 1998, following a renewed conflict with the Northern Front, Taliban forces entered Mazar-e-Sharif in Balkh Province. In the initial days, they detained and executed thousands of civilians, primarily Hazaras. Within the first 3 days, the Taliban forces declared a general massacre targeting the city's Shia population. According to witnesses, the scale of the violence left bodies strewn across the streets. It took days to remove all the bodies. Sharifullah was among the civilian casualties of the Taliban's massacre.

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Three attackers wearing Afghan national security forces uniforms and armed with AK-47s and hand grenades, attacked. After shooting and killing a security guard at the hospital entrance, they entered the hospital and headed directly to the maternity ward, moving systematically from room to room. There were 28 women in the ward at the time. The attackers fired on patients and threw hand grenades. As a result of the attack, 24 people were killed, including 19 women and three children,35 and 23 more were injured, including 12 women, two children and one newborn. A female healthcare worker was amongst those killed in the attack.

On 15 June, the organization, Médecins Sans Frontiers (MSF), who operated the maternity ward, announced its decision to end activities and withdraw from Dasht-eBarchi hospital.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On September 30, 2022, a suicide attack targeted the Kaaj Educational Center in Dasht-e-Barchi, West Kabul, Afghanistan. The explosion occurred at approximately 7:30 AM and tragically resulted in the deaths of over 58 students. More than 126 others were injured. The Kaaj Center, located in a predominantly Hazara neighbourhood, served as a learning space for students preparing for university entrance exams. On the day of the attack, nearly 300 students were present, many of whom were high school girls taking a practice exam. While no group has officially claimed responsibility, the Hazara ethnic group has faced widespread violence from groups like ISIL-K and the Taliban in the past.

No statement

On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On January 8, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were executed by the Taliban.

No statement

On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On January 8, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were executed by the Taliban.

On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On January 8, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were executed by the Taliban.

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On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On January 8, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were executed by the Taliban.

No statement

On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On January 8, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were executed by the Taliban.

On Nov. 21, 2016, a suicide bombing ripped through a Shia Mosque in the Afghan capital, Kabul, causing immense devastation. The blast occurred at the Baqir ul Olum mosque in the Darul Aman area, targeting worshippers gathered to mark the culmination of a significant religious period. The attack resulted in the tragic loss of at least 32 lives, predominantly Hazaras. At least 64 others were injured, many with severe wounds.

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On Nov. 21, 2016, a suicide bombing ripped through a Shia Mosque in the Afghan capital, Kabul, causing immense devastation. The blast occurred at the Baqir ul Olum mosque in the Darul Aman area, targeting worshippers gathered to mark the culmination of a significant religious period. The attack resulted in the tragic loss of at least 32 lives, predominantly Hazaras. At least 64 others were injured, many with severe wounds.

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A suicide bomber detonated explosives inside a Shia Mosque in the Afghan capital of Kabul. At least 53 people were killed and dozens of others were wounded. The explosion happened at the Baqir ul Olum mosque in the Darul Aman area as people gathered to mark the end of an important religious period.

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On October 20, 2017, a suicide attack took place in the Imam Zaman Mosque in Dasht-e Barchi, while people were there for prayers. Dasht-e Barchi is the Hazara area of Kabul. As a result of the terrorist attack, 56 people were killed and 55 others were injured.

No statement

On November 9, 2015, in Zabul Province, seven Hazara individuals were taken hostage and beheaded by the Islamic State. Among the victims was Shukria Tabassum, a nine-year-old child.

No statement

On November 9, 2015, in Zabul Province, seven Hazara individuals were taken hostage and beheaded by the Islamic State. Among the victims was Shukria Tabassum, a nine-year-old child.

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On November 11, 2018, thousands of Kabul residents protested what they called "the government's inaction in preventing the attack of the Taliban group on Malistan and Jaghouri districts in Ghazni Province and Khas Uruzgan District in Uruzgan Province." They started a march and gathered near the presidential palace. The rally continued until dawn on Monday, when President Ghani accepted some of the protesters' demands through a phone call. People were then leaving the rally when a suicide bombing took place.

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On June 27, 2020, an explosion caused by a magnetic mine in Kabul killed 24-year-old Fatima Khalil and her colleague, Ahmad Jawid Folad.

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On November 9, 2015, in Zabul Province, seven Hazara individuals were taken hostage and beheaded by the Islamic State. Among the victims was Shukria Tabassum, a nine-year-old child.

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The spokesperson of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission announced that two of their employees were killed and six others were injured when a roadside mine exploded in Jalalabad City, the capital of Nangarhar Province on October 26, 2015.

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The spokesperson of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission announced that two of their employees were killed and six others were injured when a roadside mine exploded in Jalalabad City, the capital of Nangarhar Province on October 26, 2015.

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In 2007, while traveling from Herat to Kandahar, Amir Mohammad Ansari Baloch was captured by the Taliban and held for ransom. In 2008, despite the Taliban's promise to release him after receiving the ransom money, they killed him.

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On the morning of April 12, 2018, the Taliban commenced a bloody attack on the district centre of Khwaja Umari, Ghana Province. Ali Dost Shams, the educated district governor of Khwaja Umari, and 20 brave soldiers were martyred. 12 other soldiers were wounded.

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Hasan Qanoni was a young Hazara doctor. During the government of Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai, he worked with the National Army. On March 28, 2021, he went missing from the city of Herat. Two days later, his burnt body was found in the city. The Taliban tortured and killed him, then burned his body.

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Sources confirm that a former female police member was shot by Taliban forces in Ghor Province. This event took place on 05 September 2021, in Firuzkoh city, the capital of Ghor Province.

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On January 14, 2022, the forces of the Taliban shot and killed a young woman in a checkpoint in the Dasht-e Barchi area of Kabul City. The victim of this event has been identified as Zainab Abdullahi.

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Omar Zwak, the spokesman of the Helmand governor, told the BBC that Mr. Da'ei died on Thursday morning (November 12, 2020). He was going from his home to his office when a magnetic mine in his car exploded.

No statements

Abdulmanan Arghand, a local reporter of Kabul News TV, was shot by unknown armed men on April 25, 2018 in Kandahar Province when he was on his way to his workplace.

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Sardar Ahmad, a journalist at AFP’s Kabul bureau, was killed along with his wife and two of their children in an attack on the city’s Serena Hotel. His youngest son was seriously injured in the attack.

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On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On January 8, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were executed by the Taliban.

On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On January 8, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were executed by the Taliban.

On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On January 8, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were executed by the Taliban.

On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On January 8, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were executed by the Taliban.

On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On January 8, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were executed by the Taliban.

On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakaolang district of Bamiyan province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On the 8th of January, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were either summerly executed or deliberately killed by the Taliban.

The Taliban slaughtered at least 300 Sayyid and Hazara people during an attack on the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province on January 7, 2001. Witness accounts state that once the Taliban troops retook Yakawlang on January 7, they started to arrest and ruthlessly kill individuals. In late December 2000, they had lost Yakawlang to Hezb-e Wahdat, an anti-Taliban party that claimed to be supported by the Hazara minority. Additionally, witnesses reported to Amnesty International that Hezb-e Wahdat soldiers executed at least four people in broad daylight during the few days they occupied Yakawlang in late December 2000.

No statement

On October 20, 2017, a suicide attack took place in the Imam Zaman Mosque in Dasht-e Barchi, while people were there for prayers. Dasht-e Barchi is the Hazara area of Kabul. As a result of the terrorist attack, 56 people were killed and 55 others were injured.

No statement

On October 20, 2017, a suicide attack took place in the Imam Zaman Mosque in Dasht-e Barchi, while people were there for prayers. Dasht-e Barchi is the Hazara area of Kabul. As a result of the terrorist attack, 56 people were killed and 55 others were injured.

No statement

On October 20, 2017, a suicide attack took place in the Imam Zaman Mosque in Dasht-e Barchi, while people were there for prayers. Dasht-e Barchi is the Hazara area of Kabul. As a result of the terrorist attack, 56 people were killed and 55 others were injured.

No statement

On October 20, 2017, a suicide attack took place in the Imam Zaman Mosque in Dasht-e Barchi, while people were there for prayers. Dasht-e Barchi is the Hazara area of Kabul. As a result of the terrorist attack, 56 people were killed and 55 others were injured.

No statement

On October 20, 2017, a suicide attack took place in the Imam Zaman Mosque in Dasht-e Barchi, while people were there for prayers. Dasht-e Barchi is the Hazara area of Kabul. As a result of the terrorist attack, 56 people were killed and 55 others were injured.

No statement

On October 20, 2017, a suicide attack took place in the Imam Zaman Mosque in Dasht-e Barchi, while people were there for prayers. Dasht-e Barchi is the Hazara area of Kabul. As a result of the terrorist attack, 56 people were killed and 55 others were injured.

No statement

The Taliban slaughtered at least 300 Sayyid and Hazara people during an attack on the Yakaolang District of Bamiyan province on January 7, 2001. Witness accounts state that once the Taliban troops retook Yakaolang, they started to arrest and ruthlessly kill individuals. In late December 2000, they had lost Yakaolang to Hezb-e Wahdat, an anti-Taliban party that claimed to be supported by the Hazara minority. Additionally, witnesses reported to Amnesty International that Hezb-e Wahdat soldiers executed at least four people in broad daylight during the few days they occupied Yakaolang in late December 2000.

No statement

In the dark midnight, all were sleeping. That night when the explosion took place, I imagined our home upside down. Those scenes of horror and darkness still haunt my dreams. In the dark, I tried to move and look for my family members, those who were fine and who were injured. But I couldn’t get up and move. Then, I figured out that my leg felt wet and I was injured by broken glass from my house. I had lost one leg in 1989 in a mine explosion. This time, my other leg was injured.

The Curse of Incidents Always Hit the Poor

Name and Last Name: Kabalsha Aghajan

Date of Birth: 10 November 1968

Date of Injury: 22 March 1989

Type of Arm: Mine

In the dark midnight, all were sleeping. That night when the explosion took place, I imagined our home upside down. Those scenes of horror and darkness still haunt my dreams. In the dark, I tried to move and look for my family members, those who were fine and who were injured. But I couldn’t get up and move. Then, I figured out that my leg felt wet and I was injured by the broken glass from my house. I had lost one leg in 1989 in a mine explosion. This time, my other leg was injured.

All my family were terrified. The floor was covered with broken glass. We could not see anything in the dark.

After the first incident when I lost my leg, my family behaved and liked me like before. But it was painful for myself because I sometimes feel that I can’t do enough with disability.

When I was injured the first time, I was treated at the government hospital and also provided with other assistance. After I got out of the hospital, I was provided with monthly coupons along with 4000 Afghanis in cash. But the assistance our current government provides is not sufficient.

I ask the government to bring peace and to not forget war victims. We were disabled in this land and we are its citizens. Sometimes I hear very unfair words. They say that people like me are culprits or perpetrators. That’s we are disabled. When I hear these words, my heart breaks and it makes me sad.

Pro-government forces attacked our home on a late night in the fall of 1984. On the night the attack happened, I was at home with my brothers, one of whom was killed while the other and I were injured. I was 20 or 21-years-old at the time. It was night time and I couldn’t recognize the type of gun I was injured with. But it was obvious that we were killed and injured by Russian guns because all pro-government forces used Russian weaponry.

I Returned to the Country…

Name and Last Name: Aziz Ahmad Arif

Date of Birth: 25 August 1959

Date of Injury: 26 January 1984

Type of Arm: Kalashnikov bullet

I was student at Kabul University during the rule of Noor Mohammad Taraki and Hafizullah [of the Afghanistan People’s Democratic Party (PDPA) that had ceased power after a bloody coup in 1978]. Kabul University students demonstrated in opposition to the regime. Like hundred of other students, I was one of the demonstrators. In response, the government arrested about one thousand students. When freed from jail, they had to either leave the country or live a hidden life. I was put into jail several times at the time of Taraki and later when the country was occupied by the Soviet forces.

When I was freed from jail in 1984, I was persuaded that living in Kabul was impossible for me anymore. I left Kabul for my home village, Khiwa, in Nangarhar Province in eastern Afghanistan. Our district in Nangarhar was not yet occupied by the government and Soviet forces.

The time of peace did not last long. Pro-government forces attacked our home on a late night in the fall of 1984. On the night the attack happened, I was at home with my brothers, one of whom was killed while the other and I were injured. I was 20 or 21-years-old at the time. It was night time and I couldn’t recognize the type of gun I was injured with. But it was obvious that we were killed and injured by Russian guns because all pro-government forces used Russian weaponry.

The regime had created local militias who worked based on the order of the government and were advised by Russian advisors on how to carry out their military operations. They were tasked to assault places where the residents were opposing the regime. Most of these ground attacks were carried out during night time.

It was winter and the weather was very cold. Bullets had pierced my leg and I couldn’t walk. There were also bullets that tore through my chest. One of my brothers who had undergone medical emergency courses bandaged the open wounds and then they took me to Peshawar, Pakistan. We went through mountainous terrain sometimes on his back, sometimes on mule or donkey.

I was hospitalized in Peshawar in a hospital run by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) for 9 months. I suffered a lot in that hospital. It was terrible. My wounds were opened and tied so many times. The wound on my chest went under operation 13 times.

After 9 months, I was still in a critical situation. My friends helped me travel to Germany for better treatment. It took almost two-and-a-half years in Germany till I fully recovered. But those wounds affected my whole life and I still bear the scars on my body. During the recovery period, I used to play football in order to help recover like before. But, unfortunately, one of my legs never recovered fully and there is a part still numb. However, a proverb says: “Till roots reach to the water, there is a hope.” I believe while we still breathe, we have hope to live for.

When living a period of time, we experience both happy and bitter moments which form our memories of life. There are some experiences that affect your life till the end. My whole life was affected by those wounds and I never experienced a peaceful life in Afghanistan after that. That’s why I cannot forget that memory. I may forget this memory for moments, but, it is not like a pencil’s mark on paper that can be easily erased. After a while, the memory is refreshed.

When I was under treatment in Germany, all my expenses were covered by my German friends. When I recovered, doctors insisted I stay in Germany. But I did not accept and returned to my country because I felt my friends and my country need me. I preferred to return among my friends.

It was the night of Eid and my poor husband and son were out looking for work when they were killed. My husband used to work as a day laborer in Hairatan. He usually came back home after 15-20 days. That night when they were coming home, the Taliban fired on them. Their bodies were totally mutilated.

Questions About the Nature of War Rahima’s Story

Narrator: Rahima

Victim: Haidar Khan

Date of the incident: 1998

Location of the incident: Hairatan, Mazari Sharif

The translation of painful experiences into words is very difficult. Words have many limitations, especially when trying to express pain. Pain is a strong feeling and words are a mere insufficient means to describe it. There is a huge gap between the feeling and its interpretation. Therefore, the idea of making the experience of war understandable through verbal expression is fundamentally flawed. The tragedy of war is deeply linked to personal experiences, and what war imposed on Rahima is indescribable.

Rahima is the victim of the fate that war imposed on her. She does not understand what war means and why human beings go to war. Yet, she certainly understands the horrible consequences of war. Hence, for Rahima, war is the most evil kind of action humankind can engage in. What could possibly justify the killing of one human-being by another? Why do houses and properties of people have to be destroyed?

Why, instead of generating pain and suffering for millions, should one not think of prosperity and happiness for all? Why do those involved in war not think about its devastating consequences? Why do they not think of all the children who lose their parents through violent means? Why does an oppressed person like Rahima, who has nothing except the sky she lives under, have to be further disturbed by war? Why are the perpetrators of violence not scared of the blood on their hands? Is there no alternative to violent conflict resolution?

These and other questions often disturb Rahima. And since nobody seems to be willing to answer these questions, she has begun to find her own answers. She knows that victims of war will always live on the margins of history and that no one looks at the world through the lens of the victims. She knows that no one puts themself in the shoes of victims in order to truly understand the experiences and suffering they have endured.

Rahima has also thought of potential solutions. For her, the solution is to tell, recall, preserve, and protect the memories of the victims. Memories are the only things people like Rahima possess. These memories are not meant to be preserved to wage further war, nor are they aimed at taking revenge. On the contrary, people like Rahima use them to make their own contributions to stop and prevent war.

According to her, the memories preserved by victims are the only instrument that reveals their endless pain and suffering. They awaken the human consciousness and ultimately contribute to the prevention of further atrocities.

Rahima’s Story

My name is Rahima and I am 50-years-old. I have lost four of my family members during the Taliban time.

It has been 17 years now since my husband and 10-year-old son were killed. There was war in Kabul and we eventually fled to Mazar-e Sharif, which is where we were when our home was looted back in Kabul. Three years later, my husband was killed. Afterwards, we lived for another three years in Mazar-e Sharif. From there, we moved to Jalalabad. Later on, we came back to Kabul.

It was the night of Eid and my poor husband and son were out looking for work when they were killed. My husband used to work as a day laborer in Hairatan. He usually came back home after 15-20 days. That night, when they were coming home, the Taliban fired on them. Their bodies were totally mutilated.

At the time my husband was killed, I had five children. After his death, we faced a lot of problems. I started to work as a tailor and my daughter and son were working in an educational center. My eldest son was 14-years-old and I had two more children of 3 years and 3 months. When we lived in Jalalabad, the situation further deteriorated. There was no work and we lived in a rented house. If we were unable to find a piece of bread during the day then we had nothing to eat during the night.

We had no one to look after us. I worked in the house of a Hindu as a cleaner and we finally moved back to Kabul, even though the Taliban were in power. Back in Kabul, not a single moment passed without hardship. It was difficult to eat properly as the little money we had was spent on renting the house.

My children were still small and they often asked how their father was killed. They missed their father a lot. Sometimes, I sat down with them and told them stories about their father. My husband’s name was Haidar Khan. He was 58-years-old when he was killed. My son was only 10-years-old when he was killed. I was his second wife. He was an ordinary person and had nothing to do with politics. Now, all I can do is to look after my children.

Unfortunately, nothing is left behind from my son. However, I have kept my husband’s spoon, his plate, and a photo of him. These objects are all very important to me. I am giving these things to you to let others know about the difficulties we have faced in our lives and that the situation is still not improving. The weather is already cold and we have no heater. My son is jobless. My children cannot go to school because we are poor.

Many Mujahidin factions waged a civil war throughout Afghanistan in the 1990s, killing thousands of people, including women and children. Some were forced to flee their homes and subjected to various forms of violence like rape, extortion, abuse, harassment, abduction, and arbitrary detention. Ghulam Hazrat was killed in the civil war between several Mujahidin groups while serving as a soldier in the Mujahidin Islamic State Government. After Ghulam Hazrat passed away, his wife Halima and their four children were left in the midst of a devastating civil war that claimed thousands of lives and uprooted millions, with no one to provide for them.

About Happiness

Narrator: Halima

Victim: Ghulam Hazrat

Date of the incident: 1992-1996

Location of the incident: Kabul

Halima’s list of dreams is neither very long nor very ambitious. Her dream is to be happy. Certainly, many people in war torn societies like Afghanistan have similar dreams of happiness. For them, happiness is not about prosperity, wealth, and power. Neither is it about having stylish and luxurious mansions, or expensive cars. In short, they do not have as sophisticated an understanding of happiness as ordinary people in other countries have.

On the contrary, their world is extremely small and their expectations are very modest. For Halima and people like her, happiness means bread. It means being able to provide a piece of bread for their children to sleep at night with their bellies full, so that they can dream of other things than something to eat. At best, happiness means having a home and that one’s children sleep under a roof in which they can grow up in peace. In addition, for people like Halima, happiness means being looked upon as a normal member of society. As long as the community does not humiliate her and her sons and they can live without fear and intimidation, she is content.

Halima does not desire much more than these simple things. Unfortunately, war has denied her even the simplest of dreams. Six years after getting married, she lost her husband and was left alone with four children, with the fourth one being born six months after the death of Ghulam Hazarat. For three years, they survived thanks to the assistance of the Najibullah government. However, after the Mujahidin took power in Kabul, the situation changed and government funding was no longer available to them. As a result, Halima had to sell her home utensils, one after another, to feed her children. When there was nothing left to sell, she had no option but to wash and clean people’s clothes and homes. Other times, she worked as a sewer. She remembers many days when she could only provide dry bread for her children. Today she is 45-years-old, has heart disease, and can no longer operate the sewing machine. The nightmare of poverty has returned. She does not know whether a day will come when she can finally feed her children properly. If such a day were to arrive, she would finally consider herself happy. Such is Halima’s modest understanding of happiness.

The Story of Halima

When I first got married, it was my father in-law who was the main breadwinner for our family. He was a carpenter. Later on, my father in-law stopped working due to old age. Therefore, my husband joined the army as an ordinary soldier. My husband did not have a good salary. Since he was deployed in another province, it was difficult to send money home. In those days, together with my sister in-law, we were doing embroidery work at home and then sold it at the local market. Eight months later, my husband returned on home leave. With the small salary he brought, we bought flour and oil. He stayed with us for a few days and then went back to the barracks. After eight months, he once again sent money to us through one of our relatives. Then, after two years, my husband finally came back and we had two more children. He began working at a bakery. In those days, our living conditions were relatively good.

After a while, he was recalled by the army. Eighteen months later, he was killed. It was just a few days before his home leave. We waited for him to come home but he did not come. On the 18th day, I woke up and told his mother that I was going to prepare bulani for her son today. I prepared everything and then fell asleep. My mother in-law came and woke me up and I returned to my preparations. I had prepared only three bulani when I heard someone crying outside the house. I went out and saw two soldiers standing at the main door. They inquired if this house belonged to Hazrat Khan and when my father in-law affirmed, the soldiers told him that Hazrat Khan had been injured and hospitalized.

Together, they went to the hospital where they discovered that Hazrat Khan had died. They came back home around 4pm. I was calling my father in-law Baba, so I asked Baba how Hazarat Khan was. He answered that he was slightly injured and that he would bring him home the day after. My younger son did not sleep the whole night and asked to go and see his father. That night a lot of people came to our home. They brought big dishes. I heard my uncle asking for the Quran. I told my father in-law that he was trying to hide something from me and that perhaps Hazrat Khan had died. I began to cry. My mother in-law tried to make me understand that they needed the Quran for a different purpose.

The next morning, my father in-law asked me to clean my room, saying that he and his friends would like to sit there. I went and cleaned the room. Later on, my sister in-laws came in. They hugged me and said that Hazarat Khan had passed away. I was six months pregnant. After the news, I fainted and remained unconscious for a long time. Later, when I regained consciousness, I saw a coffin covered with red cloth. My six-year-old daughter came and asked me who she should call father from now on. She hid under the bed and began to cry.

Over the next few weeks, the fire of war spread everywhere, including Chihil Sotun where we resided. Everyone was forced to leave their homes and we moved to Shur Bazaar. There, my mother in-law died. Then, I went to live in my father’s home in Jade-Asmayi where we had nothing to eat. Next, I stayed with my sister in-law for three months before we finally found a place to stay, though we did not even have a carpet to sit on.

Later, someone donated military blankets and a bag of flour, but I had no utensils to make bread for my children and I was forced to borrow a small cooking pan from my neighbor.

My children slept most of the time as there was nothing for them to eat. In the evenings, we had nothing to light and heat our home with. We spent three months like this. When the fighting finally came to a halt, I borrowed a sewing machine from my father and began sewing for others in order to feed my children. Gradually, I managed to buy little things for our home including three cups, spoons, and a plastic blanket.

The worst moments were those days that I had no food to give to my children, except a piece of bread. Nowadays, I wash clothes and tailor. Although this is increasingly difficult to do as I have a heart problem.

I can recall only that some people with their faces covered broke into our house and took my father away. They did not even let my father change his clothes and put on his shoes. After he disappeared, we did not know what happened to him. My mother searched everywhere but could not find him. We assume that Hizb-e Islami abducted him as they were against those working for the government of the time. I remember, it was almost midnight when we heard a knock on our door.

The Tearful Eyes of a Young Woman

Narrator: Karima

Victim: Hafiz

Date of the incident: 1992-1996

Location of the incident: Kabul City

Karima was very young when her father Hafiz was taken from home. At that time, no one knew what was going on. Suddenly, a number of people with their faces covered entered the house and took Hafiz. They did not even allow Hafiz to change his clothes and put on his shoes. Afterwards, the abductors never contacted Hafiz’s family; they remained in the dark about the reasons for his forced departure. Shortly after, the family came to know that the people who abducted Hafiz were from one of the Mujahidin groups. Hafiz’s only crime had been that he was working for the government. Today, his family still does not know what happened to Hafiz, but he never returned.

After Hafiz’s abduction, his family lived in absolute misery. His only son was forced to work during the early days of his childhood. His son later lost his sanity due to a number of serious psychological problems, while Karima’s mother suffered a heart attack during the time of the Taliban. As the Taliban banned treatment of female patients by male physicians, she later lost her life in the hospital. Karima was a witness to all these painful events.

She is now 30-years-old and never shows any signs of energy and happiness. She cannot stop crying. Karima got used to suffering from her early days. The endless cycle of violent incidents in her life has turned suffering into a routine experience. She does not know what she did to deserve this fate but strongly believes that she has suffered more than anyone else in this world. Are those who ignited the fire of war even thinking of the burned life of Karima? The Memory Box project aims to document stories of people like Karima and make them part of the official history of Afghanistan. The Memory Box project is a window into the lives of victims who tell their stories as they have experienced them. Without making an effort to look at the consequences of war through the lens of the victims, it will be difficult to truly grasp the hidden realities of war. Hence, we need to clean our eyes, look through their lens, and listen to their suffering and countless pains.

The history of Afghanistan has so far been written without the voices of the victims. These voices need to be heard. Stories like the one of Karima reflect but a small part of everything that Afghan victims have endured in recent decades.

The Story of Karima

My name is Karima and I am 30-years-old. I lost my father during the war. I was only 4-years-old when my father disappeared. I cannot remember it in detail. I can recall only that some people with their faces covered broke into our house and took my father away. They did not even let my father change his clothes and put on his shoes. After he disappeared, we did not know what happened to him. My mother searched everywhere but could not find him. We assume that Hizb-e Islami abducted him as they were against those working for the government of the time. I remember it was almost midnight when we heard a knock on our door.

My mother opened it and these masked men came in and took my father still dressed in his pajamas. There were people all over the house including on the roof. After his disappearance, we experienced a great deal of difficulties. My brother, who was in grade six at the time, had to start working to feed us. Soon after, he began to suffer from depression.

Today, he is absolutely mad but still asks for my father. He believes that my father is still alive. Later on, my mother died during the Taliban regime. This was the worst moment of my life (Karima cries). My mother was suffering from heart problems and later had a heart attack.

We took her to different hospitals but there was no female doctor. The Taliban had banned male physicians from treating female patients. As a result, my mother died in Jamhuriat hospital. I cannot forget these terrible moments in my life. Therefore, I hate the Taliban.

Today, I work and feed my family. My sister works as a teacher though she does not have a permanent contract. My sister, my sick brother and I live together. One of my other sisters lives in Mazar-e- Sharif.

I fully support the Memory Box initiative. I want to keep my father’s memory alive. I will not allow for him to be forgotten. Those who have killed my father must know that someone from his family is still alive and thinking of him. This initiative is dedicated to people like my dear father (Karima cries). People are telling me that I had a very handsome and kind father. My relatives told me they saw his Memory Box on TV. I am very pleased to see my father’s memories alive.

I lost my mother in-law. She was at home when a rocket hit our house and killed her. My husband went to see what was going on and saw his mother’s head shattered and spread all over.

Hope Betrayed

Narrator: Mahnaz (daughter in-law)

Victim’s Name: Bibi Zulaikha

Date of Incident: 1997

Location of the Incident: Cinema Baharistan, Karte Pawan, Kabul

Periods of war are possibly the worst chapter in the thick history book of humankind. Generally, nothing affects the human spirit more then when the blood of a fellow being is innocently shed. But for some people, these moments of terrible violence increase their appetite for bloodshed and the killing of others turns into frenetic, orgasmic excitement. For these people, the hunger for destruction and looting never diminishes, eventually turning the taking of another person’s life into an almost daily routine. What is more, the mere act of killing no longer satisfies the murderers. Hence, they begin to resort to different forms of torture, thereby constantly transforming the nature of violence as violent conflict continues over time.

One of these tragic deaths is the one of Bibi Zulikha. At the time of her murder, she was 45-years-old and lived in Karte Parwan, Kabul. She was a kind mother and a reputable woman in the area. Everyone liked her and she was living a happy life with her family. Although she was concerned about the war and its consequences, she did not leave Kabul to take refuge in another place. She remained home hoping that the war would not come after her and her family. Unfortunately, things did not turn out that way.

One day, her house was destroyed and Bibi Zulikha was killed. The war between the Taliban and the government of Rabbani was intensifying when a rocket hit Bibi Zulikha’s house, painting the walls red with with her blood and flesh. Her tragic death severely shocked her family, particularly her younger son, who began suffering severe psychotic problems that are still ongoing.

The Story of Mahnaz

My name is Mahnaz and I am 27-years-old. During the war, I lost my mother in-law. She was at home when a rocket hit our house and killed her. My husband went to see what was going on and saw his mother’s head shattered and spread all over. This tragic incident severely affected my husband. Immediately after the mourning ceremony, we left Afghanistan. Today, my husband still suffers from mental problems. I can say that he lost control of his mind. This all happened after the death of his mother.

A deadly blast rocked a Shia mosque in Puli Khumri City, Baghlan Province, on October 13, 2023, killing and injuring dozens of people. The Imam Zaman Shiite mosque in the second district of the city was packed with worshippers for Friday prayers when the explosion happened. Witnesses told local media that the blast was caused by explosives hidden inside the mosque. Some residents claimed that it was a suicide attack aimed at the Shia and Hazara communities. The attack left at least 20 people dead and 66 others wounded, according to ground records conducted by AHRDO.

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A deadly blast rocked a Shia mosque in Puli Khumri City, Baghlan Province, on October 13, 2023, killing and injuring dozens of people. The Imam Zaman Shiite mosque in the second district of the city was packed with worshippers for Friday prayers when the explosion happened. Witnesses told local media that the blast was caused by explosives hidden inside the mosque. Some residents claimed that it was a suicide attack aimed at the Shia and Hazara communities. The attack left at least 20 people dead and 66 others wounded, according to ground records conducted by AHRDO.

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Two Shia clerics, Rajab Akhlaqi and Khadim Hussain Hedayati, were shot and killed by unknown gunmen on motorcycles on Thursday, November 23, 2023. The shooting took place in Etifaq Avenue of Jibrail Town in Herat, an area with a mostly Hazara population. The two victims were members of the Herat Shia Ulema Council and came from the Lal and Sarjangal districts in Ghor Province. No group or individuals have claimed responsibility for the assassination of the Hazara clerics.

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Two Shia clerics, Rajab Akhlaqi and Khadim Hussain Hedayati, were shot and killed by unknown gunmen on motorcycles on Thursday, November 23, 2023. The shooting took place in Etifaq Avenue of Jibrail Town in Herat, an area with a mostly Hazara population. The two victims were members of the Herat Shia Ulema Council and came from the Lal and Sarjangal districts in Ghor Province. No group or individuals have claimed responsibility for the assassination of the Hazara clerics.

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Eid Mohammad Etimadi was abducted and murdered by unknown armed men on Sunday, October 22, 2023. He had gone to a relative’s funeral in the Kamarklagh neighborhood of Herat City. While returning home, his car was intercepted by armed men in the Khashrood area of the Injil District of the province. They searched the passengers’ cell phones to identify them and took Etimadi with them. They claimed that they would take him to a nearby Taliban security post. However, when his relatives went to the Taliban security posts, they were told that the Taliban had no information about him. His family and relatives looked for him everywhere. On Monday, October 23, they found his corpse in the Ghorian District.

No statement

On December 1, 2023, a rickshaw tricycle was attacked by unknown gunmen in the Kora Melli area of western Herat City. The attack claimed the lives of six people, including two religious scholars, women, and children. Several others were injured. Local sources reported that the attack was aimed at Hazara civilians and religious figures. No group has claimed responsibility for the attack.

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On August 1, 2017, a Shia mosque in Herat, Afghanistan, was attacked. 33 people were killed and 66 others were injured. Two men carried out the attack. One carried a suicide vest and the other was armed with a rifle. They entered the Jawadia mosque during an evening prayer session where approximately 300 people had gathered to worship. The first attacker flung bombs into the crowd before detonating his vest. The second attacker also discharged his rifle into the crowd before blowing himself up. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

On August 1, 2017, a Shia mosque in Herat, Afghanistan, was attacked. 33 people were killed and 66 others were injured. Two men carried out the attack. One carried a suicide vest and the other was armed with a rifle. They entered the Jawadia mosque during an evening prayer session where approximately 300 people had gathered to worship. The first attacker flung bombs into the crowd before detonating his vest. The second attacker also discharged his rifle into the crowd before blowing himself up. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

On August 1, 2017, a Shia mosque in Herat, Afghanistan, was attacked. 33 people were killed and 66 others were injured. Two men carried out the attack. One carried a suicide vest and the other was armed with a rifle. They entered the Jawadia mosque during an evening prayer session where approximately 300 people had gathered to worship. The first attacker flung bombs into the crowd before detonating his vest. The second attacker also discharged his rifle into the crowd before blowing himself up. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

On August 1, 2017, a Shia mosque in Herat, Afghanistan, was attacked. 33 people were killed and 66 others were injured. Two men carried out the attack. One carried a suicide vest and the other was armed with a rifle. They entered the Jawadia mosque during an evening prayer session where approximately 300 people had gathered to worship. The first attacker flung bombs into the crowd before detonating his vest. The second attacker also discharged his rifle into the crowd before blowing himself up. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

On August 1, 2017, a Shia mosque in Herat, Afghanistan, was attacked. 33 people were killed and 66 others were injured. Two men carried out the attack. One carried a suicide vest and the other was armed with a rifle. They entered the Jawadia mosque during an evening prayer session where approximately 300 people had gathered to worship. The first attacker flung bombs into the crowd before detonating his vest. The second attacker also discharged his rifle into the crowd before blowing himself up. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

On August 1, 2017, a Shia mosque in Herat, Afghanistan, was attacked. 33 people were killed and 66 others were injured. Two men carried out the attack. One carried a suicide vest and the other was armed with a rifle. They entered the Jawadia mosque during an evening prayer session where approximately 300 people had gathered to worship. The first attacker flung bombs into the crowd before detonating his vest. The second attacker also discharged his rifle into the crowd before blowing himself up. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

On August 1, 2017, a Shia mosque in Herat, Afghanistan, was attacked. 33 people were killed and 66 others were injured. Two men carried out the attack. One carried a suicide vest and the other was armed with a rifle. They entered the Jawadia mosque during an evening prayer session where approximately 300 people had gathered to worship. The first attacker flung bombs into the crowd before detonating his vest. The second attacker also discharged his rifle into the crowd before blowing himself up. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

On August 1, 2017, a Shia mosque in Herat, Afghanistan, was attacked. 33 people were killed and 66 others were injured. Two men carried out the attack. One carried a suicide vest and the other was armed with a rifle. They entered the Jawadia mosque during an evening prayer session where approximately 300 people had gathered to worship. The first attacker flung bombs into the crowd before detonating his vest. The second attacker also discharged his rifle into the crowd before blowing himself up. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statemetn

On August 1, 2017, a Shia mosque in Herat, Afghanistan, was attacked. 33 people were killed and 66 others were injured. Two men carried out the attack. One carried a suicide vest and the other was armed with a rifle. They entered the Jawadia mosque during an evening prayer session where approximately 300 people had gathered to worship. The first attacker flung bombs into the crowd before detonating his vest. The second attacker also discharged his rifle into the crowd before blowing himself up. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

On August 1, 2017, a Shia mosque in Herat, Afghanistan, was attacked. 33 people were killed and 66 others were injured. Two men carried out the attack. One carried a suicide vest and the other was armed with a rifle. They entered the Jawadia mosque during an evening prayer session where approximately 300 people had gathered to worship. The first attacker flung bombs into the crowd before detonating his vest. The second attacker also discharged his rifle into the crowd before blowing himself up. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

On August 1, 2017, a Shia mosque in Herat, Afghanistan, was attacked. 33 people were killed and 66 others were injured. Two men carried out the attack. One carried a suicide vest and the other was armed with a rifle. They entered the Jawadia mosque during an evening prayer session where approximately 300 people had gathered to worship. The first attacker flung bombs into the crowd before detonating his vest. The second attacker also discharged his rifle into the crowd before blowing himself up. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

On the night of November 23, 2022, forces from the Taliban Security Command and the General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI) conducted an operation in the village of Sare-e-Siwak, located in the central district of Nili, Daikundi province. The operation began with the encirclement of the village, focusing on particular residences. In the early hours of the following morning, as residents prepared for morning prayers, nine individuals from two families, including four minors, were fatally shot, and two sustained injuries. Additionally, five individuals were detained, with one subsequently reported missing. Reports suggest that the operation was initiated based on erroneous information attributed to a local commander and his associates, stemming from previous disputes and personal animosity, alleging insurgent activities by the victims.

On the night of November 23, 2022, forces from the Taliban Security Command and the General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI) conducted an operation in the village of Sare-e-Siwak, located in the central district of Nili, Daykundi province. The operation began with the encirclement of the village, focusing on particular residences. In the early hours of the following morning, as residents prepared for morning prayers, nine individuals from two families, including four minors, were fatally shot, and two sustained injuries. Additionally, five individuals were detained, with one subsequently reported missing. Reports suggest that the operation was initiated based on erroneous information attributed to a local commander and his associates, stemming from previous disputes and personal animosity, alleging insurgent activities by the victims.

On August 24, 2016, suspected Taliban attackers stormed the American University of Afghanistan in Kabul using a car bomb and automatic weapons. The assault resulted in the deaths of sixteen people, including eight university students, one university policeman, and three security guards. Additionally, fifty to fifty-three individuals were injured, some critically. Afghan Special Forces killed three of the attackers. This incident marked the first direct attack on the university, although two professors had been kidnapped just outside the campus a few weeks earlier. Both Taliban and ISIL-KP were suspected though no group or individual claimed the responsibility for the attack.

Mohammad Alem worked as an AUAF Security Guard since 2008. Born in 1974 in Panjshir, Afghanistan, he attended school until 6th grade but was forced to stop due to the civil war. Mohammad Alem left behind four children, aged seven, five, four, and eight months. He was working hard for the future of his family and saving to buy a home.

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No Statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No Statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

Known as the "Killing of AGSA," it refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison in Kabul between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA (Afghan Agency for Safeguarding National Interest), led by Asadullah Sarwari, had arrested nearly 150,000 people, out of which an estimated number of 27,000 political prisoners were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared in the latter part of 1978 and early 1979. A list of those slain that included 5,000 victims of AGSA mass executions was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

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On August 22, 2008, the United States Air Force conducted an airstrike on Azizabad village in Shindand district, Herat Province. The attack resulted in the deaths of ninety-two civilians, including sixty children and fifteen women. Numerous structures in the village, including homes, were damaged or destroyed. American officials stated that the airstrike was conducted after Afghan soldiers were ambushed while pursuing a Taliban commander named Mullah Siddiq, claiming that Taliban attackers fled to Azizabad.

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On April 21, 2022, an explosion occurred at the Seh Dokan Mosque during a time when approximately 200 individuals were present for prayers. The incident resulted in at least 37 fatalities, with more than 60 individuals sustaining significant injuries. Additional reports indicate that the death toll may exceed 50, with up to 100 people injured. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) has asserted responsibility for the attack and claimed the group has targeted Hazara and Shia prayers.

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On August 17, 2019, a suicide bomber detonated explosives at the Shahr-e-Dubai wedding hall on Faiz Mohammad Kateb Road, also known as Charqala Road. The attack resulted in 63-93,(including 15 children) fatalities and 182 injuries. The wedding ceremony was predominantly attended by members of the Shia-Hazara community. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack, stating it targeted individuals they refer to as "Rafida," a term used by some extremist groups to denote those who do not follow Sunni Islam.

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On August 17, 2019, a suicide bomber detonated explosives at the Shahr-e-Dubai wedding hall on Faiz Mohammad Kateb Road, also known as Charqala Road. The attack resulted in 63-93,(including 15 children) fatalities and 182 injuries. The wedding ceremony was predominantly attended by members of the Shia-Hazara community. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack, stating it targeted individuals they refer to as "Rafida," a term used by some extremist groups to denote those who do not follow Sunni Islam.

No statement

On August 17, 2019, a suicide bomber detonated explosives at the Shahr-e-Dubai wedding hall on Faiz Mohammad Kateb Road, also known as Charqala Road. The attack resulted in 63-93,(including 15 children) fatalities and 182 injuries. The wedding ceremony was predominantly attended by members of the Shia-Hazara community. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack, stating it targeted individuals they refer to as "Rafida," a term used by some extremist groups to denote those who do not follow Sunni Islam.

No statement

On August 17, 2019, a suicide bomber detonated explosives at the Shahr-e-Dubai wedding hall on Faiz Mohammad Kateb Road, also known as Charqala Road. The attack resulted in 63-93,(including 15 children) fatalities and 182 injuries. The wedding ceremony was predominantly attended by members of the Shia-Hazara community. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack, stating it targeted individuals they refer to as "Rafida," a term used by some extremist groups to denote those who do not follow Sunni Islam.

No statement

On August 17, 2019, a suicide bomber detonated explosives at the Shahr-e-Dubai wedding hall on Faiz Mohammad Kateb Road, also known as Charqala Road. The attack resulted in 63-93,(including 15 children) fatalities and 182 injuries. The wedding ceremony was predominantly attended by members of the Shia-Hazara community. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack, stating it targeted individuals they refer to as "Rafida," a term used by some extremist groups to denote those who do not follow Sunni Islam.

No statement

On August 17, 2019, a suicide bomber detonated explosives at the Shahr-e-Dubai wedding hall on Faiz Mohammad Kateb Road, also known as Charqala Road. The attack resulted in 63-93,(including 15 children) fatalities and 182 injuries. The wedding ceremony was predominantly attended by members of the Shia-Hazara community. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack, stating it targeted individuals they refer to as "Rafida," a term used by some extremist groups to denote those who do not follow Sunni Islam.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

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A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

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A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

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A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

No statement

A suicide bomber detonated an explosive device among Hazara-Shia worshipers at the Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz province on Friday, October 8, 2021. The attack resulted in the death of at least 150 people and injuries to 250 more. The casualties were all civilians, predominantly from the Hazara Shia ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant-Khorasan Province claimed responsibility for the attack, identifying a Chinese Uygur national as the suicide bomber and stating the group targeted Hazara Shias.

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Between November 5, 2018, and November 15, 2018, the Taliban executed a large-scale assault on the Jaghuri and Malistan districts from multiple directions. Tragically, during this conflict, 30-60 civilians lost their lives according to different secures, primarily due to Taliban actions. Additionally, over 50 individuals sustained injuries, and hundreds of families were forcibly displaced from their homes.

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Between November 5, 2018, and November 15, 2018, the Taliban executed a large-scale assault on the Jaghuri and Malistan districts from multiple directions. Tragically, during this conflict, 30-60 civilians lost their lives according to different secures, primarily due to Taliban actions. Additionally, over 50 individuals sustained injuries, and hundreds of families were forcibly displaced from their homes.

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On September 5, 2015, a devastating twin suicide bombing struck the Maiwand Wrestling Club in Dasht-e-Barchi, a predominantly Hazara neighborhood in western Kabul, Afghanistan. The first explosion occurred inside the wrestling club during the early evening hours. As first responders and civilians gathered to assist the victims, a second blast detonated, causing even greater casualties. The attacks resulted in the deaths of at least 30 civilians, including two journalists, Samim Framarz and Ramiz Ahmadi. More than 103 others were injured in the incident. The Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the bombings, stating they specifically targeted the Shia-Hazara community.

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On December 28, 2017, a suicide bomber detonated an explosive device inside the Tabyan Center, a religious and cultural gathering place in Dasht-e-Barchi, located to the west of Kabul. The blast resulted in the deaths of 41 individuals and injuries to another 84 people. Among those killed were at least two children and four women, while eight women were among the injured. All the victims were civilians, primarily belonging to the Hazara ethnic group. The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant-Khorasan Province (ISIL-KP) claimed responsibility for the attack.

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On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

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On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

No statement

On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

No statement

On July 1, 2018, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) attacked a delegation from Afghanistan's minority Hindu and Sikh communities that was meeting with the governor in Jalalabad City. The attack killed 19 people, with 10 of the victims being members of Afghanistan's Sikh community, including the country's sole Sikh parliamentary candidate. This deliberate targeting of religious minorities represents systematic persecution of non-Muslim communities in Afghanistan.

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On the afternoon of November 6, 2007, at approximately 4:15 PM, an explosion occurred in Pul-e Khumri, the provincial capital of Baghlan Province. The incident took place during a visit by Afghanistan's Parliamentary Economic Commission, which had traveled to the area to attend the reopening ceremony of the newly reconstructed Baghlan Sugar Factory. According to eyewitness accounts, an individual detonated explosives among a crowd of people who had assembled to greet the parliamentary delegation. The attack resulted in between 70 and 97 fatalities, with casualty figures varying across different reports, and injured nearly 200 individuals. A substantial portion of the victims were school students who had gathered in formation to welcome the government officials. Six members of the National Economy Commission of Afghanistan's Parliament were killed in the attack, including the commission's chairman, Sayed Mustafa Kazimi. The other deceased parliamentarians represented various provinces across Afghanistan, including Takhar, Kunar, Helmand, Kunduz, and Kabul. While it was widely believed that the attack was carried out by a suicide bomber, no group claimed responsibility for the incident. The precise circumstances and motivation behind the attack were never officially confirmed. The general assessment indicated that members of the Afghan Parliament were the primary intended targets of the assault.

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The Taliban slaughtered at least 300 Sayyid and Hazara people during an attack on the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province on January 7, 2001. Witness accounts state that once the Taliban troops retook Yakawlang on January 7, they started to arrest and ruthlessly kill individuals. In late December 2000, they had lost Yakawlang to Hezb-e Wahdat, an anti-Taliban party that claimed to be supported by the Hazara minority. Additionally, witnesses reported to Amnesty International that Hezb-e Wahdat soldiers executed at least four people in broad daylight during the few days they occupied Yakawlang in late December 2000.

Let's Never Go Back To Our Past

Narrator: Abdul Raziq Rezaei

Victims: Abdullah and Abdul Karim

Time of the incident: 2001

The place of the incident: Dahan Kanak Village, Yakawlang District, Bamiyan Province

The name of the victims: Abdullah, my father, aged 45-47 years old. I don't remember the exact age of my father. And my uncle, Abdul Karim, he was 30-35 years old. They lived in Dahan Kanak Village, Yakawlang District. They were farmers.

My father was educated from mullahs at home, he could only read the Quran. Abdul Karim had attended Dehsur high school until the eighth grade. Due to riots and wars, he had left school. Both of them were married. My father had three sons: his eldest son is me, his second son is named Samad, and his third son is named Nader. My father had three daughters: his eldest daughter is named Hanifa, his second daughter is Sima, and his third is Soghara. My uncle Karim had four sons and daughters: his eldest son is Reza, his second son is Enayat, his eldest daughter is Laiqa, and his second daughter is Sabra. All were farmers and all lived in Dehne Kanak.

It was 2001 that the Taliban came and took Yakawlang. The war ended... Khalili's forces went to Chaman. There, they burned the villages and captured my father and another person named Ibrahim, and took them to the battle in Chahar Deh. The Taliban were defeated there and came to Dahan Kanak again. They brought my father and uncle back to the village, tied them back to back under the road, and fired on them, killing them.

When Taliban arrested my father, we fled to Punjab having no news about my father. People told me that my father was killed. Although it was dangerous to go to the area, we went and took the corpses of three martyrs with a small number of friends. We could not bury them in our ancestral cemetery, so we took him to Sar-e Kanak graveyard.

During the migration period, people were vigilant as to what was happening in Yakawlang. The houses and shops were burnt down and many people were killed.

My father's body remained under the sunshine [where he was killed] for a week; no one could go and bury him. When Taliban attacked Yakawlang, my father told me to take our family members to Panjab District. He said he would come after us. He stayed because of our livestock up in Qeshlaq. We could only save our lives, not the livestock. Unfortunately, we lost our father and every other thing we had in the village.

According to my cousin, four days after we left our village, my father was killed. As said, me, my younger brother Samad, and my cousin Mohammad Rahim went from Punjab to Sarma Qol during the night. At night, we took five more corpses from Sarma Qol. We went and transferred the bodies to Sar-e Kanak. The people of Sar-e Kanak cooperated with us. Thanks to them, may God protect them. With them, we buried the corpses.

We brought the family back when the Taliban attacked the American twin towers. It was September 11th. It was the beginning of the cold season. It had snowed once or twice. We went back home, but nothing remained; our houses were burnt. With empty hands, we started to rebuild our houses.

Everyone had psychological problems. We had no one, it's very difficult to talk about it. We can't tell you how it went. It was very difficult for people to live. I had lost a father and an uncle, and our economic situation was ruined. Our cattle and property were gone. We didn't have money and our situation was very bad. I personally took care of two families with many problems. I had to leave school as it is still my responsibility to take care of the two families.

Today, my uncle's family is living separately. We divided our land; I separated my uncle's land. By the grace of God, our agriculture product is good, not bad. I ended up having a lot of trouble because at that time, people did not trust anyone. Now, it is different. If needed, people will give us a loan. At that time, no one gave a single rupee to anyone else. Why could we not borrow some money? People used to say that the situation in Afghanistan is so bad, they may not be able to pay it back.

We had this difficult situation. I couldn't bear not to say it. It is very difficult for someone to say it. Those who had a better economic situation may have lived better, but I myself, who had two families on my shoulders and was empty-handed, someone who didn't have a single rupee, this is how I lived my life.

The little money that we had was in my father's pocket, which was burnt. They had holes drilled in it. It was completely destroyed. It was out of use. My mother has endured this situation until today, and today, thanks to the grace of God, our situation is good.

I was a child who did not understand anything about what to do. I went through that difficult situation alone. We struggled with a difficult life that no one can imagine. But some people are good, maybe they can. Before the incident, I had no responsibility. But once two families were shouldered by one person without a single rupee in his pocket, imagine for yourself what the situation was like. You asked me, and told you. I could not control myself not to say.

When my father was martyred, I didn't know about my uncle. People didn't tell me anything. I buried my father. We couldn't be bothered there again, so we went to Panjab. My friends told me that I should come back. I had a bad feeling, because my uncle's family was here in Panjab. As soon as he sent the message to "come once," I fell from the sky to the ground. I said what happened and he asked me again.

I went to Yakawlang again, to Sar Maqol Village, the only place I could go. People had fled to Sar Maqol. I went there again. I asked my friends about the situation, and they said that the situation was good but that they would go with me. They told me that my uncle had been captured. Well, we went. We gathered our friends and decided to find some elderly men and meet the Taliban who captured my uncle. When we came here, one of the friends said that the Taliban had captured my uncle, taken him from my village, and killed my uncle on a pass named Larasi. They said, "Go and take your martyr from there." The people of Sangardost - one of the local Taliban - gave us a soldier to guide us there. He showed us that my uncle's corpse had dried up. We took it to Dahan Kanak and buried him there. Ah, I wish they would had killed him [only], but they had cut off his hand, cut off from here (showing his elbow), and cut off his leg from the knee. We took him and buried him in our village.

By God, at that time, we had no idea what we were doing because we were children. We had no idea what the Taliban meant or what they were doing. We had no idea, they just said that the Taliban had come and killed people. Because we were children, we didn't feel, we didn't understand what "the Taliban" meant. We thought that Talib meant "student," not more than that, right? But when they came and set fire to the houses and killed the people, we thought that a human had not come, a savage had come. What were they doing to the innocent people? With the houses? No one had anything to do with the houses, but they destroyed and burned every single house.

Yes, my mother is alive. Thank God, my mother, it was my mother who brought us to this stage. Otherwise, we would have been a bunch of small kids and children. My uncle’s children were also small. My mother gave me an arm and said not to lose myself, be strong, and work hard. My mother supported us and kept telling us to be strong. The reality is that we worked hard, suffered a lot, and thank God we are seeing the results today.

I put myself in the place of my father; I left school, I sacrificed my wishes and wants for my brothers and my uncle's children. I supported my brothers and my uncle’s children to go to school. Thank God, they are now doing well with their education and lives.

My father was a normal, calm person. He never fought anybody in the village or with family members. He had a sound personality as he never shouted at me as his younger son, never used a bad word against me. He was a religious person. He used to awake us up to pray our prayers early in the morning and advised us to take fast.

I had no responsibility and didn’t think about life’s ups and downs. Everything was on his shoulders. I don't know where he earned the livelihood to earn what he would give us, the food we would eat, and the clothes we would wear. My uncle was young. At that time, our lands were not divided, only his house was separated, and he worked as a farmer with my father. Local Taliban were good people, some were Hazaras and Tajiks. But those who came out of Yakawlang, those Talibs do not want Islam at all, they were Wahhabis. These were outsider’s men.

There is nothing notable left from my father to put in the Afghanistan Memory and Dialogue Center. My father had a Quran and a watch. I have his watch with me now in my pocket and a tape recorder named 530, an old model 60-70 years old.

These are the only things left from my father. Nothing left from my uncle but a picture. The photo is a very old one. We enlarged it and put it on the wall, so he should not be forgotten and remain as part of our memory. In reality, we have very bad memories. We never return to our past, we had such a hard time in the past that I cried. We really have a very bitter past, not only for me, but for all the victims. For all the people of Yakawlang, Bamiyan and the central regions. We will never return to our past.

We are really happy to have something lasting for us in the museum. I'm happy and, you are welcome, you are all the light of our eyes who think about us and remember us and listen to our words and take them to higher levels. Thank you.

The attack happened near our village named Qizilqala. It was Taliban’s last attack, after which the Taliban fell. I think it was 1996 or 1997.

The incident was in the morning, it was eight or nine o'clock. The Taliban came to our village and gathered the people of the village in the mosque. My father told us that he should go too. They took my father and my uncle. After three days, both of them were martyred in Qazal Qala Village as I mentioned. They were serving the people in the village. They were the elders of the village. Taliban killed them anyway. Taliban committed genocide in their first round of attack. They killed so many people in their first attack.

They Were Shot in Their Chests

Narrator: Asadullah Fayzi

Victim: Baqijan Fayzi

Time of the incident: 1997

The place of the incident: Qorachin Village, Chaharbulak District, Mazar-e-Sharif

Type of incident: Gunshot

My father's name was Baqijan Fayzi. He was almost 38-years-old. He was young at the time of the accident. He had married when he was so young. I was about four or five years old when he died; I was very small. One day, I was standing at the courtyard door. I noticed that as he walked down the alley with another person, a hat was on his head, although he normally didn't wear a hat. I didn't recognize him. I said, "Hey! Hey! Who are you?" He was ahead of me. When he looked, I saw that he was my father. He smiled at me. This was very interesting to me.

My father's birthplace is Qorachin Village, Chaharbolak District, Balkh Province. As a farmer, he was busy with agriculture and peasantry.

He studied in school up to the six and seventh grades, but he had not finished school. He had two children, one girl and one boy. I was older than my sister. I am now 24-years-old. My sister, Fatima, is two years younger than me, she is twenty-two-years-old. She has finished her studies and now she is a schoolteacher. She has also studied up to the fourteenth grade.

The attack happened near our village named Qizilqala. It was Taliban’s last attack, after which the Taliban fell. I think it was 1996 or 1997.

The incident was in the morning, it was eight or nine o'clock. The Taliban came to our village and gathered the people of the village in the mosque. My father told us that he should go too. They took my father and my uncle. After three days, both of them were martyred in Qazal Qala Village as I mentioned. They were serving the people in the village. They were the elders of the village. Taliban killed them anyway. Taliban committed genocide in their first round of attack. They killed so many people in their first attack.

His family started looking for him but did not find him. In the village, someone has seen these two people who had been killed, so they told their families. My cousins, though they were small, had run away from home. They had hide in a plain. My father had told me not to go to the mosque because he was worried that I would be taken by the Taliban, but I said, "No, let them take me too." I was not afraid.

They took them that morning. I remember my father's uncle, who was an elderly person. Taliban tied his hands behind his back and carried him towards the mosque. I did not go to the mosque myself because I was small. When they were taken away, the women were crying. My grandmother was there, my mother was there, but the Taliban did not release anyone.

It was rumored that the people were tied up in a car, dragged, and later shot with bullets. The people who were from our village said so; they had seen it. There were no other witnesses except for them. They had tied my father to a car and dragged him to Qizilqala, a neighboring village. It is relatively far; half an hour away. My father's body was found by the local people. They informed us that they had found two bodies and asked if they were ours. They told me to tell someone to come and take the bodies. My uncle went to the site and recognized the corpses, so he brought them back.

They were taken and thrown in a desert. The day after they were taken, my uncle started asking about them. Where are they? Are they detained? Are they alive? Later, some people informed us that there were two bodies in the desert. My uncle went there and yes, found their bodies. They had been shot in their chests and shoulders. Their faces were destroyed. There were many wounds and scratches on their bodies. My uncle's son’s forehead was badly split. The Taliban had beaten them a lot.

Upon hearing the news, everyone was unwell. My uncle fell unconscious for a few hours out of shock. My father's death changed our lives a lot. We faced many problems. We went through a lot of hardships. Life is really hard without a father. After my father, my uncle and my mother tried to keep the family together. My mother is a seamstress, she has been sewing ever since. The Taliban will do anything for their own benefit.

They don't have much to do with other ethnicities. Charbulok Village is resided by different ethnicities, it is mixed, but they used to harass Hazara people there a lot. They asked them for bread, money, weapons. They used to say to my father, "You are the leader of the Hazara people, you have many weapons. Give us weapons." How many weapons did they give if they had them? The Taliban would come again and search themselves. Because of having [and not having] weapons, they were beaten a lot.

Yes, the responsibility of financing the house was on my father's shoulders. My grandfather was there and my uncle was there. My grandfather was an elderly man. My father was responsible to support the household financially. We all lived in the same house together. Yes, my aunt was there too. Her and her husband lived together with us. The number of family members was big, about twenty, twenty-five people in total. Now there are 9 of us. After my father, my uncles and my mother now support the family. We still live in the same house in our village. That is our own house.

Oh, I was badly affected by the incident. I got a low spirit after it. This made me personally very weak. My mother... my mother suffered a lot, for a long time she was... For now, life is good. It is normal. It's been two years that I'm married and other family members were separated from us. My uncle and his family are now in Mazar Sharif. My cousins (my mother’s brothers) are here. They are almost at the same place as us; our houses are side-by-side.

Currently, there is no war in our village. Because our village is close to Chaharbulak District - just twenty minutes away - Taliban come to our village but don’t go further. Taliban often attack from this side and the government shoots them back. A month ago, Taliban took all other villages. Only our village was left. In our village, there was a government base, but they left after the other villages were captured. Taliban come periodically, once or twice a week, and the government does not.

Although the government is close (we can see them from the village), they don't fight as much as they did in the past and don’t come to our village. Taliban take tithes and zakat from local people. Tithes is about wheat. From ten bushels of wheat, they will take one bushel. From twenty bushels, they will take two bushels. Everyone gives. If someone doesn't give, he will be punished. Taliban announced that people must wait for them to come and count the bushels of their harvest, so that the Taliban can take some right away.

Yes, there are schools. Girls go to school. The school is in our village. The girls are up to 9th grade. They say their teachers should be women. Girls were not going to school for a while when Taliban came; the schools were off for a few days. After that, school resumed.

There were many people who left their jobs in government offices due to fear of the Taliban in this district. Even the cleaners left their duties due to fear. They didn't go to the office anymore. There were a few more soldiers from our own village, they were scared because there have been so many fights. Many people were killed in the war. Soldiers managed to take a letter from the Taliban, it was a guarantee that they would not be soldiers anymore, they could go and work in their village. Although they are no longer soldiers, they could not come to their village to see their families.

There were national police present to ensure the security of Qora Chin Village. In addition to police, there were militia (called ARBAKI: local armed men) supported by the government. Arbakis were harassing people and stealing people’s property. I didn't see it myself, but people of the village say so. They have many stories. According to one story, people stopped a man on his motorcycle one night. While their faces were covered, they took away all his valuables. The Taliban is back; Arbakis don't do those things. Arbakis are also completely gone, our area has been completely cleared. It is only the district center, which is under the control of the government.

The Taliban are from the neighbouring villages. Some are from our village too. Local Talib accompany the outsiders, they are together. No, they don't harass civilians.

Our wish is peace. Since the government is there in the center, they don't want war either. Their people and many of their soldiers were martyred, they were killed. Other police bases were taken by the Taliban.

If the government fights with the Taliban, it is good to clean up our areas. Make it peaceful and calm, so that everyone can do their jobs and go to school. Our biggest wish is that there will be peace and prosperity for our homeland. Many people in Chaharbulak are complaining about the insecurity. They are tired of it. One day, people should be able to take care of their business and land properly. My father was a good-natured person. Even now, everyone who comes praises my father a lot. No, my grandmother has passed away. We buried my father in a cemetery near the village, yes, in the village of Qorah Chin.

The Killing of AGSA refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e Charkhi Prison in Kabul, between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA, was led by Asadullah Sarwari. Thousands of individuals were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared to. A list of those slain by the AGSA was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

He Believed the Issue was not so much Electricity as the Suffering of the Hazaras

Narrator: Masouma Jafari (wife)

Victim: Mohammad Zia Jafari

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

Mohammad Zia was born in May 1979 in Sangsurakh Village, Jaghori District,Ghazni Province. He was the youngest child of the family and had six brothers and one sister. His father traveled to Iran for work and to provide for the family. On his way back to Afghanistan, while he had stopped to buy gifts for his children, he died in an accident. My husband was one year and six months old when his father died. So Mohammad Zia grew up an orphan. His brothers helped raise him until he finished his education. During the Taliban era, he moved to Iran to improve his living conditions. He lived there until 2011. In Iran, he worked in stone masonry. From 2001, he took up calligraphy and painting, attending classes in Iran. He was not allowed to get a certificate because he was Afghan. But they knew and respected him as an artist there. We got engaged in 2010 and got married a year later. After our wedding, we lived in Iran for almost a year. Then we returned to Afghanistan, to Kandahar City. We lived there for two years during which he worked in a hotel. Later we moved to Kabul, where we lived for three years. Mohammad Zia had several jobs here, from painting to opening an art shop where he sold his carvings. In his spare time, he was always creating artwork. He participated in events organized to commemorate Baba Mazari.

During the summer, we had travelled somewhere together. Upon our return, when we came close to Mosala, we heard the announcement about the Enlightenment Movement. He got excited and said if the movement continued, he would participate in it. He gradually became more engaged in civic activities and used to go to listen to Behzad's speeches.

At first, he was just following the Movement programs through Facebook. Then he took part in the first demonstration. Without me knowing, he had gone to Dehmazang Square. I was concerned as my husband would not share much about his involvement in the Movement. To reassure me, he would often tell me he had been somewhere else.

The night before the demonstration, he was very upset because of Khalili's withdrawal from the demonstration. He repeatedly said, “Khalili encouraged and rallied people initially, but now he has withdrawn. People lived quietly in their homes; what was the need for him to fire us up and then turn his back on us?” When he was at the first demonstration, he did not say anything to me so that I would not worry. He even said that since he was now a father and had a child, he would not participate in those events.

He had come to believe that the issue was not so much about electricity as about the suffering of the Hazaras. On the day of the incident, he did not tell me he was planning to take part in the demonstration. I woke up at ten to six in the morning. I didn't think that it would be the last time I saw him. It seemed like he was going to the bakery to get some bread and come back straightaway because he didn't even say goodbye.

The demonstration was a disaster that we got caught up in. It was a cruel betrayal of the people’s hopes by our elders. It is unclear what the purpose of the demonstration was given the huge cost to the families of the victims. I constantly wonder why I had to lose my husband. I just know that my home now feels cold and depressing. I lost my man, and for nothing. Before this incident, my main concern was that there was not a good park in Afghanistan for my daughters to have fun in, but today, my daughter, Nazanin’s, wish is for a plane to come and take us to her father in the sky. I had no problems in my life before this incident. I grew up in Iran, and as I said, when I returned to Afghanistan, we lived in Kandahar for two years. In that city, I was troubled about why women in Kandahar should wear veils while people and women in other countries enjoy such freedom. I worked as a teacher in Kandahar for one year and I was pained to see what the girls went through there.

Now my pain is losing my man for an issue that felt very remote to my concerns. The problem of electricity supply in Bamiyan did not concern my family because we never lived in Bamiyan. We never worked there, and didn’t have the money to build a factory in Bamiyan. We didn't need electricity but my husband took to the streets for what he said was not so much about electricity as about the suffering of Hazara people. Several times a day, I ask myself if the suffering of the Hazaras has ended. How do I deal with the loss of my daughter’s father and how do I deal with this huge pain and sadness? Maybe I have not understood anything. But I lament the discomfort of my life and I am shattered by pain and grief. Maybe those who were there at the demonstration knew more than us. But why should their blood have been spilled and trampled on?

I will never forgive or pardon Behzad, Khalili , Mohaqiq, Daoud Naji, and Danesh. Our government is corrupt and they are cowards, like Mohaqiq who represents our people within the government. Mohaqiq and Khalili should not have informed people about the electricity supply problems in Bamiyan in the first place, because they rallied people around this cause only to let them down later. We all knew that these corrupt leaders would abandon us. I don’t understand why we were so naïve as to believe in them. Khalili came on the TV to say that they had made peace and that peace did not mean surrender. It was an absurd statement to make, which brainwashed our naïve people. Now as a consequence of this, my home is empty.

Before the 23rd of July, I was struggling, but quite differently to now. My life has changed completely. When I visit the Martyrs Hill, I think of all those people who had to go through immense challenges to get an education. Today they are sleeping under the ground. In a single instant, a 10 or maybe 11-year-old boy killed 86 people with a bomb hidden in an ice cream cart and made thousands of families mourn. Behzad talked about the cruelty of Abdur Rahman Khan and how many people he massacred. But in my opinion, Behzad is no less of a murderer than Abdur Rahman, because he puts on a suit and a tie and spreads lies about taking care of the widows and orphans of the victims of 23rd July. Nobody takes care of us. Talking to people, they believe that that our families [of martyrs] receive 5,000 to 10,000 AFN every month. You may not believe me, but before the death of my husband, I did not need to ask anyone for a single penny. Those leaders became famous for helping the families of the 23rd July victims. What if the wives of Khalili, Mohaqiq, Behzad, Naji, and Danesh had become widows? Then the children of these traitors would also have become orphans, and not ours. We are the poor, helpless people. All those who supported this demonstration and caused our youth and heads of families to be provoked to take to the streets are now safely and happily living in their own homes.

My heart aches and bleeds for my children. Some families come to me and say: “You are not the only one who has responsibility for these orphans, we consider them our orphans too.” But why should my child have become an orphan, and for no good reason? I was not rich, but I know how painful it is to be an orphan. I lost my father when I was a child. Why should my child have to suffer this same devastating pain? At what cost? Why should my husband have died and why should I be asking myself a thousand times a day what will happen to us?

Leaders knew that Afghanistan was insecure. I may not be very well integrated in the community, but I hear that every day. All the news reports of explosions and suicides bombings. Funerals, mosques, even hospitals have been hit by suicide attacks. Suicide bombers have not spared the wounded, women, or children. If you all grew up in Afghanistan and you know the horrendous security conditions in the country, why would you go and gather people together instead of protecting them? You had the money to organise demonstrations, so why not deploy soldiers to provide security during the demonstration? Why not ask the national security and police for help? Why play with the lives and fate of our [Hazara] families? The people who organized this demonstration were neither injured nor martyred. Only poor people lost their lives.

Now, all my daughter's wishes are summed up in this one sentence: "the plane will come and we will go to the sky to daddy." I met martyr Sarwar's wife. She said that now the world is worthless, and I too have come to believe that the world is cruel. The Taliban kills its own members, ISIS kills its own people, but I do wonder why Hazaras kill other Hazaras. Why do we sacrifice our own for nothing? For transient power? For a position that does not last? What for? Do they think we, the families of the victims, will forget the bloody incident of 23rd July or ignore the rights of our children and families? That will never happen!

Our marriage was going well and we had dreams. I dreamed that when my second daughter grew up a little, I could work alongside my husband and become a teacher. I was a kindergarten teacher in Iran. Likewise, my husband wished to progress in his artistic work, to promote woodcarving in Kabul and rent a shop for his work. But the Movement leaders, these people have destroyed my dreams, as well as the dreams of my daughters and our lives. My husband leaves the house in good health. They bring him back wrapped as a gift and simply say, "Sorry, a suicide attack happened." Looking at our situation, they give him a title: “the martyr for justice”. The government pays 100,000 AFN, the Movement gives 50,000 AFN, and 10,000 AFN are donated from somewhere. Do you think that is what someone’s family member is worth? We want our family member back. We don't want your hundred thousand, fifty thousand, or ten thousand Afghanis.

While my husband was still alive, if someone brought us a gift, I would refuse it. You may call it pride or whatever you like, I don't care. I didn't like people helping us. Now, when they deliver aid to our house, I tell them I don't need it. But they tell me it is for the orphans of the martyrs and not for me, and that I must accept it. My daughter was never far from her father, not even for a single night. My husband never left us alone. I sent my daughter to kindergarten for a while, but after this incident, my daughter no longer wants to go there because she is scared. She is not alone in this; we are all afraid. After the death of my husband, I feel very scared and lonely, but I try to be strong for Nazanin.

The people who organized this demonstration are all living their lives and taking care of their work and I am the one who has now become helpless. I ask myself a thousand times a day: now that we have lost Mohammad Zia, would he still be willing to take part in the demonstration, if he were still here? Mohammad Zia, are you happy leaving your daughters alone like this? Has the Hazaras' suffering ended? Who will heal our pain now? Why should you have had to sacrifice yourself to heal the pain of the Hazaras? When I was at the Martyrs Hill, a few boys were telling each other to take photos for Facebook. We have lost our men, and people are thinking of taking a Facebook photo.

When my husband used to work at his wood carving, I was happy and also scared. I was afraid he might hurt his hand. He used to watch art programs on Iranian TV channels to learn about artworks. I am bitter to think that once I was afraid of him hurting his hand, and now I have lost him completely.

The night before the demonstration, Mohammad Zia went out to do some grocery shopping for the house. When he got home, he was very sad and said, “Khalili has withdrawn and abandoned the people.” We had just recently moved to this house and there was no running water yet in the building. All my thoughts and concerns were about washing clothes and dishes. To me, it didn't matter who had withdrawn. He even named a particular hospital that announced they were ready to take care of any potential problems the next day. He also said that they had prepared several water tankers so that people would not face a shortage of water. He was talking about those issues but I didn’t really listen because I was thinking about something else. On the day of the incident, he woke up at 10 to 6. I was sleeping with my daughters in the other room when I heard a sound. I got up and asked him what he was doing. He said he needed his backpack. I asked him what he needed it for. He said he wanted to go and take part in the demonstration. I got upset and said I did not agree with him going. He got up and shook his head but said nothing.

Right then, we heard an announcement. He hurriedly left the house as if he had missed the car. He didn't look back, and left the house without even saying goodbye. If he had stayed at home, he would have tended to our little girl and I could have easily done my housework. I called him at 7 o'clock to know where he was. He said he was at Musala. At 9:00 and 11:30, I called him again and asked about his whereabouts. When I called him again, he said they had arrived at Kot-e-Sangi. I was restless; I called again. He said they were at the square. The last time I called him was at around ten minutes to 2 pm. He said the demonstration was over and he was coming home. He said people were raising tents to stay there overnight but he would come back home. There was a lot of noise in the background and I could hear Dawood Sarkhosh's song being played, so I couldn’t hear my husband clearly. After saying goodbye, I hung up the phone. Later, people reported that the explosion occurred before the end of Dawood Sarkhosh's song. I was waiting at home for him to come back. It was 2:30 but Zia was nowhere to be seen. At 3:30, there was still no news of him. After I put my daughters down for a nap, I went to see my brother-in-law and his family who live downstairs. I sat next to my brother-in-law’s wife. She asked me if Zia had called. I was not in the right mood, I absentmindedly replied, "No, he has not called." She asked if I was supposed to do anything. I told her there was nothing I could do. Recalling the story today, I feel she knew about the explosion and wanted to know if I knew too. I came back to my house a bit later in the afternoon. I looked at several TV stations, but none of them was covering the demonstration. But when I tuned to Tolo TV, both the subtitles and footage showed the wounded. The presenter announced that a deadly attack had hit the protest group in Dehmazang.

I called Mohammad Zia but his phone was switched off. I called him again, worried by now, but his phone was not working. I went downstairs and told my husband’s cousin that Zia was at the demonstration, and that a suicide attack had happened there, and Zia's phone was switched off. I was very worried and asked him what I should do. He said not to worry, it would be okay. He was a student. I asked him if some of his friends were in Dehmazang for the demonstration. He said they were in Dehmazang but had returned to their dorm. Until 9:00 p.m. that evening, I kept calling those who were looking for Zia. One of them was visiting one hospital and someone else was at another. One of the hospitals had told them that since it was late at night, they were not allowed to enter, and should come back the next day to get information. I prayed and was very worried. I thought he had either fainted or was not well. But others comforted me and said he is a smart and responsible person and must be helping others who are wounded. I calmed down a bit, and I thought he would be fine and would come back home. But by midnight, there was still no news of him and I knew then that something bad had happened to him. I prayed until the morning and made a vow to give bread to charity the next day. It was an ominous and terrible night. I was awake all night and prayed and recited the Holy Quran. After those events, after the incident, I felt my prayers, my worship, and recitation of the Holy Quran were useless. I lost my religious beliefs and became perplexed.

That entire night, I had less than twenty minutes of restless sleep. At 6 in the morning, I told my brother I would visit the hospital myself to look for him. He said I could not do it on my own because the hospitals were very crowded. But I insisted and said that if men are not allowed to enter, maybe women are. I wanted to leave the house immediately, but my brother said, “I know a good driver who’s skilled and knows the city well; wait for him to arrive.” I was so worried that I kept going up and down until 8 in the morning. I felt very restless and had run out of patience. My brother said that a suicide bomber had entered the city and the security situation was not good. At 9:30 am, the vehicle finally arrived and my brother and I began searching. But it was useless. We visited the hospitals in Barchi and Western Kabul. They said all the wounded were transferred to 400-bed and Wazir Akbar Khan hospitals. My brother wanted to take me back home; he did not want me with him. But first we went to Musala around 11:00 am as we had been told that was where some of the martyrs had been taken. When I got out of the car, it felt like this was the end of the world. Quran recitation was being played at Musala and no one was smiling. People looked exhausted and sad. I looked around. Everyone was grieving. Musala was very crowded and there were no ladies there. The police had gathered within the crowd. My brother said there were no other women inside Musala, and we should go, but I insisted, “I will go inside, maybe they will allow me.” Inside Musala, people were wandering around as if it was doomsday, and no one was speaking. Then I went and waited in the car for half an hour. My brother said they hadn’t brought Zia in yet, but would bring in the wounded at 3:00 pm.

I was so beside myself with worry that I didn't even question why they would bring the wounded to Musala. I remained speechless and didn't protest. I was scared at the news of another potential suicide bombing and said it was better we left because three suicide bombers were said to be in the city and there was the possibility of another attack. So we returned home. At 2 p.m., I asked my brother to go back to Musala. He replied, “There is someone there who can identify Zia and bring the wounded home.” At 2:30, I heard a noise coming from the stairs. That day, I kept mentioning Fatima Zahra's name and I was very scared. I kept praying to God to not let me hear bad news. A few minutes later, some women informed me of Zia’s death. In that moment, all I could hear was someone asking to close the windows because of the stormy weather. Someone else said the storm was happening because innocent blood had been shed. We humans don't always realize it or take it seriously, but it seemed like the cosmos was upset and was protesting.

After some time, they brought Zia in. I was desperate. I have no words to describe my bleeding heart. They only comforted me by saying I should thank God that his body was intact because many martyrs lost their limbs and some were dismembered. Later, our relatives from Pakistan and Jaghori visited our house. Only one shrapnel had hit him in the back of his head. My husband's cousin was with Zia and said, “Zia was far from the explosion, he wanted to get water when the explosion happened. A few minutes earlier, he had said he wanted to go home, but the wave of the explosion threw him some distance away, and shrapnel hit his head.”

Anyway, my man is gone and left us all alone in profound grief. My family and my husband’s family are in Iran; there is no one here. I used to visit Imam Ali’s Mosque once a week to offer pilgrimage and would take my daughters with me. When I was in Iran, I used to visit pilgrimage sites and pray. Sakhi Shrine was a long way from where we lived, and I could not go there on my own, carrying a child. It so happened that Zia’s funeral ceremony was being held in this mosque. What sin did I and my daughters commit? I used to be a strong believer and after the 23rd July incident, I thought I must have been guilty of something for God to take my husband from us. But when the Baqir-ul-Uloom mosque incident happened, I started to ask myself what sin have these people committed and why were they killed? Now I have lost all my religious beliefs.

In this country, they don't even spare people's corpses. A suicide bomber blows himself up among them [at a funeral]. Why doesn’t the government provide security for the people? Why don't people learn not to participate in this dirty game, and so avoid losing their lives for no good reason? They massacre a group of people protesting in Dehmazang in the name of Hazara rights, and kill another group of Hazara praying inside a mosque. Did killing 86 people help the discrimination faced by the Hazaras in any way? Did it bring electricity to Bamyan?

Today we are left alone at home, where is he? Sometimes I tell myself, from now on, the Hazaras should only demonstrate in their own homes because it is meaningless for our people to stand up in Afghanistan. After that incident, whenever I hear that a demonstration has taken place in any country, I always say to myself that I hope they will be able to return home safely and not have to mourn a loved one killed in an attack.

We object to this National Unity government. Hey, government! You killed our innocent people! I wish you had imprisoned our youth instead of blowing them up! After the incident, someone visited our house to offer Fatiha and said, “There were two explosions that day. The first explosion was not that strong. Someone called on everyone to lie down on the ground. Right at that moment, there was a second explosion.”

The government fired at youth while they were running. The government used force against the Hazaras, especially against members of the Movement and Hazara leaders. I lost my man. Talking does not help me; my husband was killed for no good reason. Hey, government! It was better you deported those who participated in the demonstrations to other provinces! You did not have to kill them! The first Martyr on Martrys Hill is my husband, Zia. Next to him, two brothers are buried. Look at everyone, they are all young but are lying under the ground. Whenever I visit the Hill, I keep telling myself that they died and their dreams died with them. Mohammad Zia used to raise my daughter on his lap and hold her in his arms. Because he himself had suffered from being an orphan, he pampered his daughter as much as he could.

My mental state is improving now, and I am getting better in every way. I spent the first days in despair, crying and moaning. Nazanin would wake up in the middle of the night, and she would start crying and have nightmares. When my husband was alive, he would comfort her if she cried. After the martyrdom of Mohammad Zia, my daughter became very restless and she constantly has nightmares. I had also lost my spirit and would cry at night when I woke up to soothe my daughter. Before the incident, my second daughter was 6 months old. Her father was teaching her to stand up, to hold objects, even to walk. With her father's encouragement, she dared to stand up little by little. Now, she stands up, leaning against the wall or other objects, and walks slowly. But her father is no longer with us to see this.

These leaders and the government destroyed my children's world and made my life miserable. Martyr Hekmat's wife found out that she was pregnant after her husband was killed. Now she lives in sorrow, just like a dead person. Who will take care of us? What sin did our children commit that they were made orphans? My heart burns to see that Hazaras do not have mercy on their own people. What can you expect from extremist Pashtuns, ISIS, and others, when your own people become your killers? In Iran, I was a teacher in a Pashtun school and I liked the Pashtun children. They were courageous and hardworking and did not bother anyone. My father grew up in Lashkargah and always said, “Not all Pashtuns are bad; there are many kind and good-hearted people among them.” But after the Dehmazang incident, I lost my belief also in them. I am sick of those people. I don't know if it’s wrong of me to believe this, but after they shed the blood of all those innocent young people, including my husband, I no longer love or respect them like before. I used to treat other people without prejudice. I watched other people’s TV stations because I had suffered from racism and insults in Iran. When I returned to my country, I liked the people in Kabul, and I liked that I didn't have to change my accent when I spoke to my own people.

But today, I no longer watch Afghan TV stations, and especially not Rahe Farda and Negah. They traded in the blood and lives of their people. All I think about is that time is passing, and what have you, Mr. Khalili, Mohaqiq, Danesh, Naji, and Behzad, managed to achieve? Some time ago, they posted a big photo of Mohammad Zia on the street. When I was going to buy bread, I would tell him, “Zia, look what your Hazaras are doing!” Do Mohaqiq and Khalili need the support of their people again? Will the people be fooled once again by Khalili and Mohaqiq's shows? When I visit the Martyrs’ Hill, I see young people lying under the ground, and each one of them was adored by their families. My poor daughters were unjustly orphaned.

I used to think that a widow was an old woman, but now I am that widow myself, and now I realize that widowhood does not distinguish between young and old. In this country, people are killed easily. Then they give them a title: Martyr. According to them [the leaders], martyrdom is an honor, so I say to them: then let this honor be yours! What sin did Mohammad Zia commit? What did his wife and children do to end up in such misery? What was the sin of Martyr Hekmat's wife whose husband was killed? I moved to Afghanistan only because of Mohammad Zia.

When people from Europe and Australia came to propose to me, I refused. I told them I wanted to study and return to my country, and to serve my people. The homeland is like a mother and we owe her so much. When the incident happened to Zia, I started to hate this country. This country gave me and my family a bloody bad deal and took my loved one from us. Around evening time, I look at the mountains and out of loneliness and sadness, I tell them, “I used to see you like a mother and a sheltering place. Why did you treat me and my loved one this way? What shall I do with this huge burden of sadness that I have?” Forgive me for sharing my story and disclosing my sorrows to you. You must have already got tired with all my words. I try to hold onto my nerves, but when I recall the sorrows that hit me at the beginning of my life, I wish to go to the mountains and cry and complain about life and about the whole human race.

Some time ago, I visited a family therapist and a psychologist. He said that I cannot accept my husband’s death because of my love for him. But he said that this is the bitter reality that I must accept so that I am able to live a normal life. Until a few months ago, when I would visit Mohammad Zia’s grave, I would talk to him: “I wish the ground would shake and take me in. I can't tolerate this sadness anymore. Why did you leave me alone? You did not even travel away from home, so as to not leave your daughters and me alone. You would always tell to me when you were offered a job in a remote place, ‘Why should I leave you to go somewhere else for work?’ But then you left us for a frivolous job and this time, you never came back. You have left us alone for the rest of our lives. Are you happy with that? How will I spend my dark and sad nights?" Mohammad Zia really loved this land and its people and he has given his life for this country, but this country did not love him back. The best thing my neighbors' do to help is that they send their daughters to play with Nazanin, so my daughter does not feel lonely and sad. When Nazanin is alone, she keeps fantasizing and imagining flying in the sky, and a plane. She wishes a plane could take us to her father. Sometimes, she finds me keeping quiet and watches me shedding tears. So, to calm me down, she says: "Mom, don't be sad, I will save my money, then we will buy a plane, and go to visit my father." I don't know how to respond to her in such moments. When Nazanin goes out with me, as soon as she sees a girl of her own age holding her father, grandfather, or elder brother’s hand, she immediately grabs my hand. I asked her several times why she does that. She says, “Mom, don't leave me alone, I'm scared.” We all are afraid since this incident took place. I can’t sleep well at night and I always fear another similar incident might happen. Once again, forgive me for bothering you with my story. My sorrows are too big for them to heal.

On January 28, 2011, Hamida Barmaki, a respected law professor at Kabul University School of Law and Child Rights Commissioner of the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC), tragically lost her life in a suicide attack at Finest Supermarket in Kabul. Also among the victims were her husband, Masoud Yama, a doctor at Sardar Mohammad Daud Khan Hospital and an employee of the Ministry of Finance, and their four children: Narun Dunya, Vira Sahar, Marghna Nila, and Ahmad Bilal. Responsibility for the attack was claimed by the Hazb-e-Islamic (Islamic Party), led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar.

No statement

On January 7, 2001, the Taliban attacked the Yakawlang District of Bamiyan Province and massacred hundreds of Hazara civilians. Many of those who managed to escape and take refuge on the mountains froze to death. On January 8, Taliban members began a house-to-house search across the district. The massacre of Hazaras continued through the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of January. At least 300 Hazaras were executed by the Taliban.

Hedayat was imprisoned for six months. Then we were told that they would release him in exchange for 350,000 Afghani. I did my best to find the money. I sold our house. I borrowed money from my brother and took money from people, promising to pay the money back with interest. I finally gathered the money and paid the authorities. They promised to release him the following Sunday but several Sundays passed without his release. After forty days, I went there again and asked two guards, Shah Wali and Mudir Abdurraham, whether Hedayat would be released today. They said that they did know now and asked me to wait. Shortly after, the gate was opened and a body was brought out on a footstool. I thought that someone had fainted but it was Hedayat’s body. I began to scream and curse at everyone and threw away my chadari. I was totally out of my mind.

A Story of Never Ending Pain

Narrator: Nargis

Victim’s Name: Sakhidad Hedayat

Date of Incident: November 22, 1999

Location of the Incident: Kabul City

If there had been no war, Nargis could have been one of the happiest women on earth. She is a strong and good woman, full of courage and determination. In spite of all the difficulties that she has faced, she always has a smile on her lips. At the same time, she is dejected and disillusioned by all the things that happened to her over the years: successive displacements, homelessness, and most of all, the death of her husband, Sakhidad. When the Taliban arrested him, she was forced to sell her house in order to bribe the Taliban to release Sakhidad, but all she received in return was his dead body. She alone had to transport the corpse all the way from the eastern part of Kabul to Dasht-e-Barchi. Since then, her life seems like a never ending journey of suffering, in which Nargis plays the role of both father and mother for her five children for whom she hopes that a better tomorrow will eventually arrive.

The Story of Nargis

My name is Nargis and I am 40-years-old. I live in Dasht-e-Barchi. I am originally from Bamyan Province. When we lived in Bamyan, we had a decent life as my father in-law had a great deal of land. My husband Sakhidad, known as Hedayat, was the only son of his family. When the Taliban attacked Bamyan, they looted our properties and we were displaced to Kabul. We had to walk all the way and my youngest child was only 40-days-old. Once in Kabul, my husband opened a shop in Sar-e Kariz. However, some people did not like my husband and reported to the Taliban that he was a member of the opposition.

The Taliban came and arrested him in May 2000. When we learned that he had been arrested, my cousin searched everywhere but could not find him. After four days, we came to learn that he had been detained in Department No. 11 but that no one was allowed to meet him. He was first taken to the Intelligence Department and then to Department No. 6 where he was detained for six months.

We know that the Taliban tortured him daily without giving him any food. When my cousin tried to deliver food for him, he was not allowed to meet my husband.

One day, I was sitting at home when my cousin came. It was early morning and I was very worried that something might have happened to Hedayat. When I saw him, I was full of fear because he usually did not visit us in the morning. He held a letter in his hand and told me not to worry. He said that Hedayat had sent a letter through the ICRC and that we were now ensured that he was alive and where he was held captive.

After a great deal of effort, I found out that Mawlawi Abdul Haq was the director of Department No. 3. I asked him to give me permission to visit Hedayat in prison and after paying him a huge amount of money, he allowed me to meet my husband. From then on, every two weeks my youngest son and I visited him in prison, even though sometimes the Taliban made excuses and denied us entry. Every time we went to the prison, I prayed to be granted permission to see my husband. Every time I went to see him, I had to walk all the way from Cinema Pamir to Department No. 3 with my child in my arms and food and clothes in my hands, hoping to meet my husband. Every time I saw him, he gave me little gifts for the children.

Hedayat was imprisoned there for six months. Then we were told that they would release him in exchange for 350,000 Afghani. I did my best to find the money. I sold our house. I borrowed money from my brother and took money from people, promising to pay the money back with interest. I finally gathered the money and paid the authorities. They promised to release him the following Sunday, but several Sundays passed without his release. After forty days, I went there again and asked two guards, Shah Wali and Mudir Abdurraham, whether Hedayat would be released today. They said that they did know now and asked me to wait.

Shortly after, the gate was opened and a body was brought out on a footstool. I thought that someone had fainted but it was Hedayat’s body. I began to scream and curse at everyone and threw away my chadari. I was totally out of my mind.

I was running around like mad until I found a taxi. I told the taxi driver to take us home. He accepted and put my husband’s body inside the car. When my brothers saw me in the car, they thought that Hedayat had been released. They all came to my home. I told them that the Taliban had informed me that Hedayat was dead but I still thought that he might be unconscious.

I asked my brothers to fetch a doctor. He eventually came and said that Hedayat had passed away a long time ago. We then buried him in Tap-e Shuhada.

When my husband died, he was 33-years-old and I was 28. We had nothing left at home as I had sold everything to pay for the release of Hedayat. We had five children and my oldest son was only 10-years-old, with the youngest no older than 8 months. After my husband’s death, we had a very hard life. No one helped us. We lived in a tent as no one was willing to rent out his home to a widowed woman. I was indebted and the government did nothing to address my suffering.

Today, no one listens to our stories of sadness. I voted for Karzai to help the victims’ families but he has done nothing so far. I also voted during the parliamentary elections, hoping that the Members of Parliament would do something for us but they have not done anything either. As soon as they reach a position of power, they forget us. They just make vague promises and then do nothing. No official has ever asked us about our problems or listened to us.

Earlier, I used to receive 300 Afghani. This year, they have removed the names of my sons from the list of beneficiaries.

My husband’s most valuable souvenirs are his five children. The most important object that he left for us is his blanket. It is the same blanket with which we covered his coffin. Another object is the letter that he sent us from prison, as well as some gifts that he had given us. Most importantly, I have kept the veil that he gave me for our wedding ceremony. Finally, there are some photos and clothes of him that help me to always remember him.

I have included these objects in my Memory Box so as to make my husband’s memory live forever. I wanted to share his story with the wider public. I also hope that in the future, the government will use these objects to build a museum so that the people become aware of the pain and suffering our county has endured, and to finally learn how to live in peace.

On April 30, 2018, I lost my 58-year-old husband in a suicide attack in Kabul. It happened just a few weeks after he had been recruited as a driver for the Afghanistan National Radio and Television.

The Story of Nabila (wife)

Victim’s Name: Sayed Abedin

Dte of event: April 30, 2018

Place of Incident: Shashdarak, Kabul

On April 30, 2018, I lost my 58-year-old husband. It happened just a few weeks after he had been recruited as a driver for the Afghanistan National Radio and Television. On the day of the incident, my daughter and I were at home. In the morning, I called him many times, but he did not pick up his phone. I switched the T.V. on and learned that a suicide attack had happened in Shashdarak area. I was worried so I called him again. Everyone in the family kept calling him but no one picked up. Later, his brother called us from Wazir Akbar Khan Hospital and informed us that Abedin had been killed in the suicide attack.

I will never be able to forget that day. Everyone among the family and relatives gathered for the funeral and shared their condolences. Abedin was buried in Kolangar Village of Logar Province where he was born. As a young man, he had finished his school but was unable to attend university due to poverty and lack of support. I was only 18-years-old when we got married. Abedin was kind and caring. We loved each other and we lived together for 15 years. In that time, we made of a lot of good memories. We have a daughter together, Hasana, who is now studying third grade at school. Hasana cried for three months asking for her father.

His death took our happiness away. Without him life is hard, as I did not just lose my husband but also our only breadwinner. I went through difficult times and faced numerous problems. We were living in Khair Khanna when he was alive but had to move to Chehil Sutun to live with my uncle’s family. I had to work to support my only daughter.

According to our traditions, I had to give my husband’s belongings to charity. I added the very few remaining objects to the Memory Box to keep his memories alive. There is no law to punish those who kill innocents. I only pray to God to do justice and punish them for their crimes.

I rushed to the Shah Shahid area after the explosion that Friday and found their room crumbled to dust. I went to search for them at the Emergency Hospital, NDS Hospital, and many other public hospitals, but couldn’t find them so I returned. The area was surrounded by security forces because the Defense and Interior Ministers had visited the area. They prevented us from entering the perimeter until the Minister of Defense heard the story and allowed us to search for our martyrs. We searched under the rubble with excavators but found nothing except a book, a shoe, and a mattress. That distressed me even more because family and relatives kept calling to know if they were found or not.

The Stories of Del Agha (brother)

Victims’ Names: Abdul Mateen and Shirin Agha

Date of Incident: August 7, 2015

Place of Incident: Sarai Ahmadzai, Shah Shahid, Kabul

I lost my brother, Abdul Mateen, and nephew, Shirin Agha, in the Shah Shahid incident on 7 August 2015. At the age of 32 and 23-years-old, they were both the only breadwinners of their families. They had rented a room in Sarai Ahmadzai to be able to work and live in Kabul. Mateen was married and had two daughters of fourteen and eight-years-old. Shirin Agha was working with the Afghan National Army and due to the work load, had not been able to visit his mother and two sisters for a very long time. As he finally got some free time during the first weekend after Eid, he decided to visit his uncle on the Thursday, his family on Friday, and then get back to work on Saturday.

Unfortunately, his plans were left unfulfilled. I rushed to the Shah Shahid area after the explosion that Friday and found their room crumbled to dust. I went to search for them at the Emergency Hospital, NDS Hospital, and many other public hospitals, but couldn’t find them so I returned. The area was surrounded by security forces because the Defense and Interior Ministers had visited the area. They prevented us from entering the perimeter until the Minister of Defense heard the story and allowed us to search for our martyrs. We searched under the rubble with excavators but found nothing except a book, a shoe, and a mattress. That distressed me even more because family and relatives kept calling to know if they were found or not.

Finally, Mateen’s body was found in the NDS Hospital and Shirin Agha’s body was found in Wazir Akbar Khan Hospital. Shirin Agha was working with the Ministry of Defense so his body was taken to Sardar Dawood Khan Military Hospital and then delivered to us. My nephew was appreciated for his work with the Afghan Military but we did not even get a mere condolence message for losing Mateen. The government has disappointed and failed us not only in preventing violence and terror, but also in supporting and caring for the victims.

With them, we buried part of our lives and happiness. I added the few objects they left behind to the Memory Box to let their memories live for longer and to let others know how war and violence is killing and destroying.

On November 07, 2023, an explosion targeted a minibus (a common medium of public transport in Kabul) in the Mahtab Qala area of Dasht-e-Barchi in West Kabul, killing seven and injuring twenty others. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province, the regional branch of the Islamic State operating in Pakistan and Afghanistan, claimed responsibility and said its members detonated an explosive device on the bus carrying Shia Muslims.

No statement

My father was born in 1947 and finished his primary school at the Said Jamaluddin High School. Due to severe poverty, he could not continue high school so he joined Military School to earn a livelihood for the family. He became a junior officer and started working with the army. In 1965, he was sent to the Khost Division where he worked until he disappeared 14 years later in 1979.

The Story of Rahmatullah Safi (son)

Victim’s Name: Lal Jan

Date of Incident: 1979

Place of Incident: Khost Province

My name is Rahmatulalh. Lal Jan was my father. I was born in 1976, three years before he disappeared. We are from the village of Qala-e-Tak in the Shiwa District of Nangarhar Province. My father was born in 1947 and finished his primary school at Said Jamaluddin High School. Due to severe poverty, he could not continue high school so he joined the Military School to earn a livelihood for the family. He became junior officer and started working with the army. In 1965, he was sent to Khost Division where he worked until he disappeared 14 years later in 1979.

He was a critic of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan and denounced the regime for torturing and killing innocent civilians and political opponents. One day, after he had finished his prayers and left the mosque, my father was arrested by AGSA agents waiting outside the mosque. We waited until late at night for his return. In the early morning, my grandfather went to the Division to find out more, but there was no sign of him. We had to leave Khost and return to the Shiwa District in the Province of Nangarhar. My grandfather went to Kabul. He visited officials in the Ministry of Interior, Ministry of Defense, and the AGSA to find my father, but failed. He tried all viable options and sought help from the PDPA officials but it didn’t work.

My father was 32-years-old, the only son, and the greatest supporter of our family. After he disappeared, we sold our ten acres of agricultural land to keep searching for him and to provide a living for the family. We had nothing left after that and struggled with extreme poverty as we were merely children. My grandfather could not accept his son’s death; he kept waiting for him until his last breath. Extreme poverty and the absence of our father also profoundly affected my two younger brothers. Due to economic and psychological pressures, they lost their patience and became mentally ill. They would always ask about him and suffered from having to live a destitute and starving life. My mother got depressed and ill after my father’s disappearance and suffered terribly from seeing our situation.

I added my father’s remaining belongings to the Memory Box to keep his memories alive and to let everyone know that killing the father in a family is actually no less than massacring the entire family.

A deadly blast rocked a Shia mosque in Puli Khumri City, Baghlan Province, on October 13, 2023, killing and injuring dozens of people. The Imam Zaman Shiite mosque in the second district of the city was packed with worshippers for Friday prayers when the explosion happened. Witnesses told local media that the blast was caused by explosives hidden inside the mosque. Some residents claimed that it was a suicide attack aimed at the Shia and Hazara communities. The attack left at least 20 people dead and 66 others wounded, according to ground records conducted by AHRDO.

No statement

A deadly blast rocked a Shia mosque in Puli Khumri City, Baghlan Province, on October 13, 2023, killing and injuring dozens of people. The Imam Zaman Shiite mosque in the second district of the city was packed with worshippers for Friday prayers when the explosion happened. Witnesses told local media that the blast was caused by explosives hidden inside the mosque. Some residents claimed that it was a suicide attack aimed at the Shia and Hazara communities. The attack left at least 20 people dead and 66 others wounded, according to ground records conducted by AHRDO.

No statement

On December 1, 2023, a rickshaw tricycle was attacked by unknown gunmen in the Kora Melli area of western Herat City. The attack claimed the lives of six people, including two religious scholars, women, and children. Several others were injured. Local sources reported that the attack was aimed at Hazara civilians and religious figures. No group has claimed responsibility for the attack.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

On April 18, 2015, fourteen Hazara men were traveling from the Malistan District to the Ajristan District in Ghazni, now part of Daikundi Province, to purchase livestock when they were abducted by Taliban fighters. The Taliban demanded that the government release their fighters who were detained and imprisoned by the Ghazni Department of Intelligence. After the government did not comply with their demands, the captives were subjected to several days of severe torture. Subsequently, four of them were beheaded by their captors and the other ten were later released.

No statement

On April 18, 2015, fourteen Hazara men were traveling from the Malistan District to the Ajristan District in Ghazni, now part of Daikundi Province, to purchase livestock when they were abducted by Taliban fighters. The Taliban demanded that the government release their fighters who were detained and imprisoned by the Ghazni Department of Intelligence. After the government did not comply with their demands, the captives were subjected to several days of severe torture. Subsequently, four of them were beheaded by their captors and the other ten were later released.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

In the winter of 1979, Haji Abdul Ali was arrested by local police and intelligence officials affiliated with the Communist regime of the People's Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. The arrest was made under the charge of hanging guns at Haji Abdul Ali's home. The next day, the authorities returned and arrested six more men from the same family. All seven men were taken to Kabul, but they never returned. When they entered the house, they said, "Haji, what weapon do you have at home?" My father said, “Tow hunting guns, a big and small one. Both are hanging on the wall of the house." The officers took the guns and said, "Haji, we will take you to the police station and then we will return you early morning." They took my father that night and we waited until morning for him to return, but he did not return.

On the day of Eid, all the family members, relatives, and friends gathered together to celebrate Eid as we waited for my father's return. It was time for lunch when the armed men came to our house again. They did not bring my father. We were very worried. This time, they took 6 other members of my family with them: Qurban Ali (my uncle), Sultan Hussain (son of my father's uncle), Mohammad Hasan (grandson of my father's uncle), and Mohammad Nabi (son of my uncle), as well as Ghulam Abbas and Ali Ahmad (grandsons of my uncle).

Even If a Hundred Years Pass, You Will Not Be Forgotten

Narrator: Ali Shaheer

Victims: Haji Abdul Ali, son of Paiwand Ali (father), Haji Rajab Ali, son of Piwand Ali (elder uncle), Qurban Ali, son of Piwand Ali (younger uncle), Sultan Hussain (son of father's uncle) Mohammad Hasan (grandson of father's uncle)

Time of the incident: 1979

The place of the accident: Pol-e Charkhi Polygon, Kabul

I was a primary school student at that time. It was the night of Eid al-Adha, during the reign of Hafizullah Amin. I was not able to sleep that night because of the joy of Eid and wearing new clothes. Few families had TV at that time. We did not have a TV at home. But my uncle - who was living with his family in same house as us - whose young son owned a houseware store, brought a black and white TV for Eid nights. Their house was separated from our house by a partition. On Eid night, we went to my uncle's room to watch TV. That night, on the occasion of Eid, a movie called "Nawi da yaw Oshpe" (Bride for One Night), in Pashto language, was broadcast on TV.

At the insistence of my uncle and my uncle’s son, my father sat next to us and we watched the movie together, although he was not interested in watching TV or movies. My father knew Pashto and understood the story of the movie well. He was impressed by the scenes of kindness and chivalry in the movie and watched the movie till the end. That night, my siblings and I were eagerly waiting for the movie to end and for my father to henna our hands. After the movie, my father hennaed our hands.

It was late at night and my father was about to sleep when someone knocked on our door. At the same time as the door was knocked on, someone shouted loudly, "Who is Haji Abdul Ali? Come out of your room and open the gate." Some armed people were surrounding the gate. The voice shouted two or three times and wanted my father. Annoyed by their screams in the middle of the night, my father told them, “Keep your voices down. What's going on in the middle of the night? So much screaming! You know that everyone is sleeping! I am Abdul Ali. Now I will open the gate. What do you want me to do?"

When they entered the house, they said, "Haji, what weapon do you have at home?" My father said, “Tow hunting guns, a big and small one." Both are hanging on the wall of the house." The officers took the guns and said, "Haji, we will take you to the police station and then we will return you early morning." They took my father that night and we waited until morning for him to return, but he did not return that night.

On the day of Eid, all the family members, relatives, and friends gathered together to celebrate Eid as we waited for my father's return. It was time for lunch when the armed men came to our house again. They did not bring my father. We were very worried. This time, they took 6 other members of my family with them: Qurban Ali (my uncle), Sultan Hussain (son of my father's uncle), Mohammad Hasan (grandson of my father's uncle), and Mohammad Nabi (son of my uncle), as well as Ghulam Abbas and Ali Ahmad (grandsons of my uncle).

Fear and worry filled the atmosphere of the house. In the evening of the same day, Haji Rajab Ali, my elder uncle who was older than my father, came to our house and comforted us and said, "Don't worry, by God's hope, they will all come back. Don't worry as long as I am there." He said to my mother, "I will come tomorrow first thing in the morning. I will bring whatever food and other basic necessities you lack at home." It was as if he sensed that my father would not return soon. But the next day, my elder uncle did not come. He was also taken from his house in Chindawol that night.

The nights and days of Eid passed as we waited for my father and uncles to return. During the time of Babrak Karmal's leadership, Muhammad Nabi, Ali Ahmad, and Ghulam Abbas were released in general amnesty. But the others never came back. My brothers, sisters, and my uncle's children and I were nine in total, all small children a year apart in age. We used to ask our mothers every day why my father and uncles didn't come back. In the same way, my elder uncle had two children, a boy and a girl the same age as us. My youngest uncle, who was taken away, still had no children.

Our mothers waited that night, bitter days, and long years for their husbands. They shed tears and prayed for their return until they were old and their hair turned white. This wait lasted 35 years. When the Polygon victim list was released, we found the names of five of our family members on it. The wait was over and our hope had collapsed. All the family members were crying.

One day, we went with a number of friends and one of my uncle's sons to the hill of Polygon’s victims in Pul-e Charkhi. When I was walking on the soil of Polygon, I was busy with the question of what my father and uncles said to each other in those heavy moments before death and what their last words to each other were.

After we learned what had happened to my father and uncles, we honored them, their memories, and other victims by organizing a program with a title written in bold: "Even If a Hundred Years Pass, You Will Not Be Forgotten."

My father disappeared in April 1979. He was working with the Department of Disaster Prevention when he was arrested by the Communist Regime. Since then, we do not know whether he is alive or dead.

The Story of Asif Malistani (son)

Victim’s Name: Abdul-Qayum Malistani

Date of Incident: 1979

Place of Incident: Pul-e-Charkhi, Kabul

My father disappeared in April 1979. He was working with the Department of Disaster Prevention when he was arrested by the Communist Regime. Since then, we do not know whether he is alive or dead. Until 1966, my father lived in Malistan. He studied Islamic Theology and Sharia there and had handwritten a famous Shiite epic poetry book called Hamla-e-Haidari. He completed his military service in 1966 and then moved to Kabul with his family. Since he was educated, he was hired as junior staff at the Ministry of Defense. In 1973, he was transferred to the Department of Disaster Prevention where he had to travel to Zabul, Farah and other provinces to report on the situation of homeless and poor families.

In April 1978, the Saur Revolution occurred and in early 1979, my father was arrested. I was still a child and could not understand the political and social situation, so I do not remember much but my elder brother still remembers the incident in detail. I just remember that we were living in Khushhal Khan area (PD-5). One day, around 12:00 noon, one of my friends whom I met on the street told me that my father had gone to Mazar-e-Sharif in Balkh Province. I was surprised and did not understand why he would have left so suddenly and without informing us. Once home, I felt the situation was different from normal. My family was consulting each other on whether or not they should listen to BBC Radio, as it could have been considered a crime by the regime. The People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) hated the broadcasting corporation and could warrant arrests or even eliminate those identified as listening to the radio. I then realized that my father was taken by the PDPA intelligence service.

My family did everything to find information and searched through every possibility. They went to the Ministry of Interior Affairs, the Pul-e-Charkhi Prison and Detention Center, and many other places to find him but he was nowhere to be found. We suffered a lot because we had no one to support us. Despite being a child, I had to work after school. I used to make and sell paper bags in Kabul’s streets, earning just 40 cents per day. It took many years for my brother to finish his military service and go to Pakistan where he joined an NGO working for Afghan refugees. Together, it was easier to support the family. With the onset of the civil war in Kabul between Mujahideen groups, we had to leave Kabul and go back to Malistan, where we lived for almost 20 years. In 2010, we were able to come back to Kabul. I hope the day never comes that we become displaced again and leave everything behind.

From the day my father was arrested, I have many unanswered questions. Where is my father? Why was he arrested? What was his crime or fault? Who is responsible or accountable for such countless massacres and disappearances? Whenever I visit the Polygon area of Pul-e-Charkhi Prison, I ask myself whether my father is among the thousands who were executed there for no reason.

On November 07, 2023, an explosion targeted a minibus (a common medium of public transport in Kabul) in the Mahtab Qala area of Dasht-e-Barchi in West Kabul, killing seven and injuring twenty others. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province, the regional branch of the Islamic State operating in Pakistan and Afghanistan, claimed responsibility and said its members detonated an explosive device on the bus carrying Shia Muslims.

No statement

Hundreds of Taliban fighters stormed Malistan District in Ghazni province at the end of July 2021. Taliban fighters seized control of the district following hours of combat with government forces at the time. They immediately initiated search operations, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of civilians. At least forty civilians, including children and women, were reportedly murdered, and dozens more were arrested and tortured by Taliban combatants throughout the conflict, according to multiple sources, including locals and eyewitnesses.

No statement

On April 18, 2015, fourteen Hazara men were traveling from the Malistan District to the Ajristan District in Ghazni, now part of Daikundi Province, to purchase livestock when they were abducted by Taliban fighters. The Taliban demanded that the government release their fighters who were detained and imprisoned by the Ghazni Department of Intelligence. After the government did not comply with their demands, the captives were subjected to several days of severe torture. Subsequently, four of them were beheaded by their captors and the other ten were later released.

No statement

Nabi was my uncle. He was 31-years-old. He was martyred in 2014. He was a de-miner. He normally left at four o'clock in the morning and came back at two o'clock in the afternoon. One morning, while going to the demining site, he and his colleagues were ambushed by the Taliban. It was seven o'clock when they fired on them. He and his 5 colleagues were killed while others were taken alive, though they may have been killed later.

He Was a De-Miner

Narrator: Ahmad (nephew)

Victim: Nabi

Time of the incident: 2011

Place of the incident: Kohsan District, Herat Province

My name is Ahmed. I am twenty-years-old. I live in Kamaneh, Kohsan District. I work at customs at the port of Islam Qala. I get 100-200 AFN per day.

Nabi was my uncle. He was 31-years-old. He was martyred in 2014. He was a de-miner. He normally left at four o'clock in the morning and came back at two o'clock in the afternoon. One morning, while going to the demining site, he and his colleagues were ambushed by the Taliban. It was seven o'clock when they fired on them. He and his 5 colleagues were killed while others were taken alive, though they may have been killed later.

He was an employee of a de-mining agency. They were going to explore the land. They would find mines and mark them, then report the location to an engineer, then the team would going to the site and explode the mine.

We got the news at eight o'clock and went there at nine. The driver said that there was a war over the mine cleaners. We saw five or six people lying there. Mr. Behrouz's brother was also with them. He had been shot in his stomach, right here, God forgive him.

We put the body in the back of the car and brought it back to the house. I went there. Two of our uncles also came. They live in Kamanah, their families live there. My uncle’s economic condition is good, but not that good. He has two children, one is five-years-old and the other one is two-years-old.

The demining agency has given food and non-food commodities to my uncle’s family. His wife is young, about 20-years-old, and has two children. She lives with her two children. One of her children is five-years-old and one is two-years-old. My uncle was illiterate. He did not go to school.

We went to the field ourselves and picked him up. Several others had been killed there. The corpses were in different places. One in the car, one next to the car, etc. Among them, my uncle was shot dead. Many didn't even look hurt. We went there and took him into the back of the car. We thought he was alive. God forgive him. He was martyred. We put him in the back of our car and brought him to his house, that's it.

It was also the holy month of Ramadan. Taliban had been after the director of the demining agency, and they took him away. Taliban asked him to pay, but he didn't give them any money. Then five or six people were killed like this. These people were earning a living through this job, he used to get 15,000 AFN per month.

There is nothing else to say. I don’t have any message... Look, our business is ruined, there is no work in Afghanistan, nothing. I say that someone should help us with something.

I will do whatever I can for my uncle. My uncle served us a lot. I will do anything for him, for his children, for his family. My uncle was very kind to us. He used to advise us to do good things, respect the elders and children, and get an education. I told him that I can’t go to school, I have to work because my father was killed on the way to Iran.

My father used to go to Iran to work. He was killed on the way to Iran. I was small, I don't remember how he was killed. Our family knows about it, they say he was killed inside Iran. Iranian soldiers killed him. He had gone illegally and had nothing, no travel documents.

Now, thank God, it's fine. We work. My mother is with us. We are two brothers, I am her elder son and I have a younger brother. My mother was 20-22 years old when my father was killed. She has never married again. She stayed with us. We go to work and my mother is at home taking care of things at home. Thank God, the rest is fine with us. I have this intention that God will help me to serve her in my life.

Qurban was a 30-year-old farmer in Kareezkhoni Village, Rubat Sangi District, Herat Province, Afghanistan. In the summer of 1984, while working in the fields, he was killed by shrapnel from a bomb dropped by Soviet aircraft. At the time, his wife Dasta-Gul was 20-years-old. They had two young sons.

A Shrapnel Caused His Death

This story was recorded on April 29, 2019 in the local office of the AIHRC in Herat Province. Ms Dasta-Gul describes the story of grief, love, and the years after the loss of her husband with patience and in detail.

Narrator: Dasta-Gul (victim’s wife)

Victim’s name: Qurban (30 yrs)

Date of Accident: Summer of 1984, 11:00 oclock

Place of Accident: Kareezkhoni Village, Rubat Sangi District, Herat Province

Type of accident: bomb shrapnel (bombed by Soviet aircrafts)

My name is Dasta-Gul and Qurban was my husband. It has been 35 years since my home was wrecked. He was thirty-years-old and I was twenty-years-old in 1989. It was July, yes, it was the proper time of the year for farming. The Soviets killed him; their bomb killed him. The Soviet aircraft killed him. He was killed in Kareezkhoni Village, part of Rubat Sangi District. It was eleven in the morning. We were married for seven years; he was killed in the eighth year. We had two children, one aged 2 and the other a 9-month-old breastfeeding infant. Yes, two children. We had two children and both are sons. We were married for just 7 years.

He was a farmer and used to raise livestock. He harvested wheat and oats. Agriculture was his only profession. He had gone over to harvest wheat from the fields when an aircraft dropped a bomb. He died among the wheat crops. A lot of people, around nine or ten, were killed. In that village, around a hundred or more people were killed. The tanks and aircraft killed all of them in that village. They were all working in their fields. Those villagers who were inside their houses were also bombarded and got buried under the rubble, poor souls. Our house was far [from the houses which were bombed].

A member of my family informed us that a person has been killed in the fields, and asked us to collect the corpse [and nine other martyrs] and take them to the mosque. Yes, I saw him. The shrapnel had entered the back of his head and exited from his abdomen. That one shrapnel caused his death. I did not have anything after my husband’s death. Out of destitution, I turned to carpet weaving. Until my children turned ten years old, I was busy weaving day and night. No one helped me. No one cared for us. They did not care that my orphaned children were hungry and alone with me, who owned nothing.

Yes, the fields on which my husband grew wheat belonged to us. They [Qurban’s family] gave a plot of land to my orphaned children. My children had uncles, a grandmother, and aunts. I asked them to give only two acres of the land on which my husband worked to my boys. I worked hard by myself. I wove carpets, and went from one to the other to make ends meet. I did not have any other assistance.

I sent my boys to school. After they finished school, we came to Herat City for them to go to university. Ah, after my eldest son did not learn in university, I sent him to Iran as a laborer. My eldest son is named Nur-Ul Deen, and the youngest is named Saif-Ul Deen. They went to Iran and worked hard. They also got married from their hard work. They did not have sisters who could be married off and from their marriage’s gifts, I could have taken wives for my sons and settled them down. My poor boys worked hard and built lives for themselves. I used to live with my in-laws but they did not like me. They would always argue and tell me to give up my sons and re-marry. I told them I will not marry and even if it kills me, I will not give up my children. What can a second marriage give me when I did not gain anything from my first marriage? The marriage life which I had was one where my husband never once told me what to do or not do. God took him from me, his death came soon.

During the seven years of us being married, he never once told me to do or not to do this or that. That is because I was content with him, and until today, I have stayed in his memory and for his sons. When you are content with your spouse, even after they are gone, your heart does not allow you to think of someone else or to leave their children. My brother-in-law would bring a bag of wheat and rice. My parents also helped and asked me to bring my children to live with them. My conscious could not accept this so I worked and wove rugs by myself. I never folded the carpet loom close; it was always open as I constantly worked on weaving rugs. It was like whenever I finished one rug, I would start another the very next day. What else could I have done, I was hungry and poor, I had no other choice. I had to do it in order to make ends meet and survive absolute poverty because I had no other source of income. The situation at that time was not good, but I do not know why they bombed our village. However, the [neighbouring] village was bombed heavily. They bombed that village a lot. My husband was also killed there but I do not understand exactly the reason why they bombed. It has been thirty years since and my mind has gotten weak as well as my memory and I no longer remember why they killed our village’s people.

When my home was ruined after my husband’s death, I was twenty-years-old. I was married off at the age of fourteen. I was married for 7 years when my husband died. It has been whether eighteen or twenty years, what is the sum of seven years and fourteen years? It has been twenty years, twenty. My husband was from outside my family, I was happy with him that is why I have remained unmarried until this day in his memory. I loved him, do you understand? When you love a person, even if there are hundreds of others around you, your feelings for them will not change. This is why I did not accept anything else after him. By God, he did not have anything. My carpet was the earth underneath and my roof was the sky. I just loved him and I loved my sons. He had a good personality and a muscular figure. He was very lucky meaning when he was in a group gathering, he could make everyone laugh till tears would come out of their eyes due to his good humor and manners. But what can I do now that God has taken him from me?

When my [eldest] son was in Iran, he studied till eleventh grade and after he came back to Afghanistan, he finished his last year of high school. However, I do not know what major he studied at university. I did not ask, my dear, I did not ask him. He studies half of the day and the other half he works as a watchman for a school. He sweeps classroom floors and arranges the desks and chairs. He also has the keys to the school, as if he is the watchman of the elementary school. He gets five or six thousand Afghanis per month. My second son is also married. Thankfully, he is also married. I have three grandchildren from one son, and four from the other. I live with the two of my daughters-in-law in Wahdat Village, in the town of Abulwaleed which is part of the Injeel District of Herat Province. I am satisfied with my sons, thankfully. My sons have never ill-treated me. They say ‘dear mother’ at the beginning of their sentence and one at the end of their sentence. Their wives are not from our family so naturally, they might act irritated or say something to me, but when my sons treat me well, I have nothing to do with my daughters-in-law because my sons are important to me. Yes, my sons have a lot of respect for me; they respect me a lot. When I get sick, they borrow money for my medications and doctor’s visits so that I get treated. They borrow money from others so that their mother can get better. I have such dear sons and my heart is happy from them. One of my grandchildren passed last year and that broke my heart. He was only eleven-years-old. They said he had an incurable illness. They said he had cancer and his lungs had been destroyed. We took him to Kabul and brought his body back to Herat. He was only eleven-years-old and in fourth grade.

I am happy with my sons, my dear. My sons also love me a lot. I pleaded to God that my sons do not have a father, what would become of them? They could become addicts and junkies; they could become gamblers. However, thank God, they grew up to become really modest and decent men. My children are virtuous and chaste; they do not have any addictions, thankfully. My boys do not have any faults, they are clean and virtuous. I am thankful to God that I have good sons, they are decent people. I shall share the ache of my heart with the women of Afghanistan. I shall say how much I suffered and went through to raise my boys. I pray to God that my efforts do not go in vain and make my decent sons even more decent to people. And if they are friends, make them even better friends to others. I only want to say that. Some women ask me how my sons are and I respond that thank God, my life is completely good. I am not unhappy with my sons or their wives. Thank God, they are very nice. I have a very good life. My relatives ask how I manage with my sons and I tell them that my life, in general, is good and that I am completely content with my sons. They turned out to be decent people, they are humane. They do not bother people. On their university campus, there are around two thousand girls and boys studying, but they do not bother them or the girls there. They are such strong-willed sons.

Yes, I love my sons a lot, how can I not love them? For them, I have gotten beaten, verbally abused, and even been charmed with a talisman so I could leave my boys. They cast a magic charm on me so I would leave my sons and go back to my father’s house. By God that I am telling the truth, my dear. I went to a Hajji and he told me that I have been charmed to leave my sons and re-marry. By God, they did everything they could to me so I would leave my sons but God made my love for them so strong that nothing could separate us.

My daughters-in-law are unemployed. When we were in the village, they used to weave carpet a bit but after coming to Herat City, they no longer work as there is no work here. No one buys handmade rugs anymore. My daughters-in-law are busy with house chores and with taking care of their children. Their husbands (Dastagul’s sons) make ends meet now. I tell them that I was able to bring up two orphaned boys through carpet weaving, why do you not work? They tell me that I had the willpower and courage to do that, they do not have that. Ah! [Laughing] They tell me I had a lot of courage to do that; that I had a lot of vitamins and in comparison, put their vitamins in shame. [Laughing] They do not wish to work and cannot work. Yes, I told them I got weak because of work, my eyes lost their power, and my hands and feet don’t work anymore. I have gotten weak from all that work and now, it is on my sons’ shoulders to bring food. I can no longer work. There is a dent in my hand where I held scissors while weaving carpets. My hand has gone limp now because I would constantly work on the carpet loom and my eyes have gotten weak.

My sons tell me, “Mother! Even if we take you to Mecca [for pilgrimage], we cannot repay you even for one night of you taking care of us.” This is life. I suffered a lot, got beaten up, received verbal abuse, and heard all kinds of things. I would tremble day and night like an animal getting slaughtered for fear that someone would take my sons away from me. I suffered all kinds of pain. My sons would know my value after all. Now that they have grown up, I tell them about my suffering. They tell me that they could not have done anything because they were young and did not understand. Some mothers who raised their orphaned children were kicked out of the homes by their sons. Meaning, they kicked out their poor mother. There are children like this. There are children like this in our village.

Still, I thank God that my sons are decent men. Who knows if I will live ten more years or not? Only God knows. My youngest son says, “Mother! Do not fret. Do not worry too much. Mother! Your presence is a blessing to us. You are our hope. Your shadow over us is a blessing.” But I tell them that now that have wives and their own families, forget about my shadow over them. My sons tell me, “No, your shadow and presence are a blessing to us.” My boys did not have a father so they only had their mother, they received love only from their mother. Only we know a mother’s pain. For their peace of mind, I tell them that, God willing, I shall remain like a cloud that provides shade to you. I am very much pleased with my sons. They ask me about their father like how he looked, his height, and his figure. And no ease their minds, I tell them that their father looked like their uncles. They look at their father’s photos and constantly ask about his height and face. They tell me, “Mother, if our father were alive, God knows how much better our lives would have been.” For their comfort, I tell them their father was not the only one who was martyred. There are thousands of other orphaned children who grew up in similar circumstances without their fathers. I tell them that their father’s life was that long. Yes, sometimes they ask me about their father all day, twenty-four hours. They love their father so much that when my youngest son went to Iran, he took his father’s photo to make a bigger print and frame it. They always miss their father. Still, to ease their pain, I tell them that that person does not have a father and this person lost their father in an accident so that they do not suffer too much because of their father’s absence. Their hearts find comfort in that and they share their pain with me.

In 2016, he was a student in Ghor Province. He was coming home from Ghor for vacation. He was captured in Dolatyar District of Ghor Province. The weather was hot. I don't know who was there. They say the Taliban had arrested four people and held them captive for 55 days. Three people were released and my husband was martyred. I didn't see them. They say they were exchanged. All three who were released had come in his Fatiha, they were his classmates.

At 7:00 a.m., when government employees were going to work, an explosion occurred in a car that was carrying employees of the Ministry of Mines in the third district of Kabul City, Sar-e Karez. Najiba Hussaini was killed while travelling in that car.

I Identified Her from Her Ring, Earring, And Skirt

Maryam Hussaini was born on June 26, 1994, in Zardney Village, Shahristan District, Daikundi Province. She is five years younger than her sister, Najiba, who she looked to as a role model. Maryam has a BA in environmental studies from Kabul University and a BA in computer science. Currently, she is working with the Health and Social Care Organization in Daikundi. This narrative has been recorded by Afghanistan's Human Rights and Democracy Organization (AHRDO). Maryam had to search for her sister among tens of dead bodies. Therefore, she cried several times while narrating this narrative.

Narrator: Maryam Hussaini (victim's sister)

Victim: Najiba Hussaini

Date of incident: July 24, 2015

Venue of incident: Sar-e Kariz area, District 3, Kabul City

I am Maryam Hussaini, sister of Najiba Hussaini. I am 24-years-old and five years younger than Najiba. When the incident happened, Najiba was 28-years-old. She was born in 1989 in Shahristan District, Daikundi Province. She was the first child of my parents. I was born five years after her, and then my five brothers were born. Najiba was martyred in the incident on July 26, 2015, in the Sar-e Kariz area. When such an incident happens, the Taliban or Daesh usually take responsibility. But no one knows who is responsible for this attack.

Najiba was not supposed go to her office that day. She had taken leave from her office. Her passport was expired. She was supposed to apply for her new passport as she was planning to go on a trip abroad. In fact, she left home that day with such intention. I had left for the university an hour earlier than Najiba. At the university, I heard the explosion from Sar-e Kariz, District 3, Kabul City. When I heard the explosion, I thought that Najiba should not have been on her way to the office at this time along with other employees. I thought she would leave home later as she was planning to follow up on her passport renewal. I called her, but her phone was off. You know, it is a usual reaction for us Afghans to call our loved ones as the first thing after an explosion to make sure none of our family members are hurt. So, the first person I called was Najiba, as others were either at home or were not at that route at that time.

The second person I called was Mr. Rezaie. I thought he might know about her. When I called Rezaie, he had just left home for his office. He said that, unfortunately, he did not know either. He said that he knew there was a suicide attack but did not know about Najiba.

We went to different hospitals. I was hoping that she might have been injured or simply that her mobile phone was not working as it was common after such incidents. However, I could not think that such a significant incident had happened.

It was 7 am when we started searching for her, hoping that she might be injured or her phone was lost. We thought we should rush and take her to a better hospital if she was injured. The last hospital that was searched was the Police 200-Bed Hospital. It was around 11 am that we found Najiba's body there.

I was at the university when the attack happened. The first hospital I searched was Muwla Ali Hospital, the closest hospital to the explosion’s site. We were also told that the wounded were taken to that hospital. We found an injured person called Najiba on the list of that hospital with no severe injuries. As we searched further, we found that there were two martyrs in the same hospital. The hospital’s steps were covered with blood. It was the first time that I saw humankind's blood. For the first time, I saw pieces of human bodies. This was very difficult for me.

We searched many other hospitals afterward. But we could not find Najiba. That injured person, also called Najiba, was a school student. Najiba's body was not identifiable in the hospital where we found her. I identified a hand cut from her body and a silver earring in her ear. A part of her face was fused. The other thing we could identify was a piece of her clothes that she had worn at her MA graduation in Japan. That day, she wore the same clothes. It was tough for me. At the hospital, the officials did not let the extended family identify the corpse. It had to be someone from their immediate family. As my mother was living in Daikundi, it was only me. My aunties were there, but the hospital officials were not letting them go and identify the corpse. They were saying it had to be her sister. My brother first went to see the corpse. When he saw the corpse, he was shocked. I took him to the hospital. Then it was only I who had to go and identify the corpse. This was my first time and worst memory of seeing pieces of human bodies. I kept opening the coffins to find my sister. It was very difficult for me. I identified her from her ring, an earring in her ear, a part of her face that was not damaged, and a piece of her skirt.

All my hopes were destroyed there. There was no hope of searching for other hospitals. I opened the coffins three times. The doctors insisted to make sure we were not taking the wrong corpus. They were saying: "You must be very careful. You must be very strong and precise so that, God forbid, you do not take the wrong corpse instead of your sister's corpse." Therefore, I had to search the corpses three times. I was sure for several reasons. First, her hand was cut at the explosion site and it was intact, and I identified her from her ring. A piece of her skirt was also beside the coffin, and her earring was fused on her face. These clues made us sure that it was Najiba.

As our family members, colleagues, and friends got the news of the incident, everyone gathered and started searching for Najiba. We were divided into different groups. I was with Mr. Rezaie and some other relatives. We went to every hospital in Kabul, and there was a possibility that the injured ones might have been transported there. So the first thing we would do was to list the injured ones. We visited all these hospitals but could not find Najiba's name among their injured person list, except a Najib, who was 16-years-old and was a school student. First, we hoped that she would be our Najiba. But unfortunately, she was a Najiba of another family. We are happy that at least that Najiba was alive. When we could not find our Najiba in the list of wounded persons, we were forced to search among the martyrs and the torn bodies of martyrs. When I went to morgues, at the same time, an incident had happened in one of the provinces, and there were so many corpses of policemen. There were so many corpses, and it was very difficult for me. I had not seen a human corpus before; forget about bodies fused and torn into pieces.

I visited every coffin three times in search of Najiba, and then, I was sure. I told them it was her and did not know what happened next. I do not know how long I was unconscious at the hospital, for example, when they decided to transport the corpse. Once I opened my eyes, I realized that we were transporting the corpse to Daikundi. And it was very difficult that while searching for Najiba among the corpses, my father and mother kept calling me. I told them that there was such an incident and that they should pray that Najiba's car had not been the target. But they were distraught and wanted to ensure that Najiba was not among the incident's victims. It was very difficult for me to tell my father and my mother that such a horrible incident had happened. Finally, when I was sure it was Najiba's corpse and she was no longer alive, I had to tell my mother to prepare her. When my mother called me for the last time, all I could say to her was that Najiba was no longer among us. I do not know what else I told her. That is the toughest thing I ever told my mother. So that is how it happened. A year and few months after the incident, we still must deal with it.

Najiba and I were together in Daikundi only during our childhood and teenage years. After she finished school, she went to Bamiyan to give the university entrance exam and then moved to Kabul to study languages. So we were separated when I was in the seven or eight class of school. However, my mother always says that we were good during our childhood. She says we were very close and kind to each other and that she does not remember if we ever argued about anything.

Our childhood and teenage years were excellent. After Najiba moved to Kabul, it was the winter that year when she got a full scholarship in India as she had held the first position in all her school. We did not know that Najiba had the first position in her school. After that, she got a scholarship, and we understood that she had held the first position in all her schools, from first class to 12th class. Therefore, she was nominated and won a scholarship in India.

So Najiba moved to India, and I stayed in Daikundi with my mother. Najiba returned to Kabul after three years and completing her studies. I also came to Kabul to continue my education here. At the time, I was in 11th class. So it was the time that we reunited after almost four years. But our family was still living in Daikundi, and it was only us residing in Kabul.

Then, Najiba got a job at the Ministry of Mines. I was busy preparing for the university entrance exam and my school studies. After three years, Najiba won a competitive scholarship to study for a master's degree in Japan. So Najiba went to Japan while I stayed in Kabul and continued my studies. At that time, I was studying at Kabul University.

We both hoped and insisted on studying the same field. Our dreams were always the same. Najiba had studied Computer Science and I was accepted into Geology. So I also enrolled in Computer Science at a private university. I finished it this year.

Najiba got her MA in Computer Science and Information Technology. When she returned to the country in 2016, we reunited after almost three years. We, two sisters, had a happy and good life. It is a calm life. I am not saying it was a luxury. We were enjoying our simple lives and were moving to reach the peak of our happiness. We were getting close to our goals. Najiba had almost already reached her goals. I was trying to get there as well.

Najiba had only lived in Afghanistan for seven months when this attack happened. She was preparing for her wedding those days. We were planning to hold her engagement party in Daikundi a week or two after the incident. We mourned for the 40th day of her killing exactly when we planned to celebrate her wedding. Unfortunately, this incident happened. I have good memories with her. We went to Daikundi for the 2017 Eid. All the family members were together. On the second day of Eid, we traveled to Nili, where my aunt lived. My father was driving, and we, two sisters, were busy photographing and creating memories. Then, we traveled to Band-e Amir, Bamiyan. It was for the first time that we visited Band-e Amir.

It was very hard to deal with this incident for my mother. I was seriously sick after the incident, I was hospitalized, and had two operations. It was very difficult for my mother, who had already lost one daughter and was preparing to lose the second one. Even she had forgotten Najiba's death.

I hope and pray that no other family becomes a victim. Today I am telling this story and hoping it reaches those who commit such horrible crimes. At least with our repeated voice, their consciences trail them and stop them from committing such crimes against any other family. And no one mourns for the loss of their loved ones. So I am hopeful for that day and pray peace comes.

We do not know whose hands were behind the incident. The Taliban and Daesh usually take responsibility after each incident, whether big or small. And we also know that the Taliban and Daesh are fake. So probably, someone else's hands are involved behind the scenes. I hope the day comes that these people will be held accountable in front of their consciouses and that their consciouses are awake and do not let them commit such a crime against any other family whose members have not committed any sins. At least, they do not take their happiness.

In the spring of 1979, Reza Bakhsh Zawar was shot and killed by Soviet forces in the Shahidan neighbourhood of central Bamyan. Soviet airplanes opened fire on the Shahidan people, killing Reza Bakhsh Zawar and around forty other people. He took one gunshot to the head and another to the chest. The remains of the victims laid on the ground for many days until the Soviet aircraft raids stopped, forcing the locals to dig mass graves and bury the bodies in their clothing without shrouds.

He Died from Attack Helicopter Bullets

Husniya Khademi is a housewife and is the third narrator of this incident. She is narrating from her mother’s perspective. This story tells of the massacre in Bamiyan during the Soviet occupation. Many lost their lives at that time and bodies were buried in mass graves.

Narrator: Husniya Khademi (granddaughter of a sibling)

Victim: Reza Bakhsh Zawar (43-years-old)

Place of incident: Shahidan, Bamiyan Province

Date of incident: 1979

In spring of 1979, the Soviet soldiers shot him to death in the Shahidan area of Bamiyan Province. Reza Bakhsh Zawar was born in Norka Village, Sia Dara area of Bamiyan Province. During the years of the Soviet attacks, my mother’s uncle went to Shahidan area to look after his nephew. As a result of the rounds of fire by Soviet attack helicopters on the people of Shahidan area, he, along with forty other people, were killed. One bullet hit his head and the other hit his chest. The dead bodies remained on the ground for several days until the Soviet attacks calmed down, after which the people gathered to bury all the bodies in a mass grave without any graveclothes.

My mother’s uncle (Reza Bakhsh Zawar) was a farmer. He was married with a daughter and a son. His parents had died previously and he did not have any siblings. His body was left where he had died for a week. His wife did not know about his death, but after my father went to that area and came back, he informed her. His wife left the village one month after his death. Their house, which my uncle is taking care of, is still there to this day. The widow was the breadwinner of the family and they migrated to Iran where she worked to support two of her children. Afterward, her son broke his leg in a traffic accident and he can no longer work. Also, my mother’s aunt, who had cancer, went to Iran but passed away in the spring of 2019. She left behind two sons and two daughters.

The life of Reza Bakhsh Zawar’s widow was good in Iran at the beginning, but her son’s (Asad) traffic accident has caused a toll on them. The victim’s widow passed away last year in Iran, and her daughter also passed away this year. Asad is married and has one daughter. He is forced to provide for her despite his physical disadvantage.

In 1998, after the Taliban attacked Bamiyan, Sayed Mohammad Alam Hussaini was shot and killed while running towards the mountains.

We Still Have Father’s Bullet-Torn Blanket

Jaweda is a student at Bamiyan University. She is sharing the story of losing her father based on how her mother had narrated it to her. She retells the story of hardship that her mother experienced after she lost her husband.

Narrator: Jaweda (victim’s daughter)

Victim: Sayed Mohammad Alam Hussaini

Date of incident: 1998

Place of incident: Bamiyan

His name was Sayed Mohammad Alam Hussaini and he was 23 or 25-years-old. Yes, he was very young. He died on the year as I was born, in 1998. His place of birth and residence was Bamiyan Province and he belonged to the Bedmishkeen area of Yakaolang District. He had studied only until second or third grade. Due to some problems, he was not able to continue his education. He was a farmer by occupation but in his free time, he usually read books and could write as well. After my father’s death, we migrated to Iran for three years. My father died on December 30.

When we migrated to Iran, we did not take any of his belongings or writings with us. After we came back, none of his possessions were there either. I do not have any brothers. It is just my mother and three of my sisters. We did not have anyone to help us so we had no other choice but to leave for Iran. That is why we do not have any of my father’s possessions that I could bring here today with me. There is only one blanket left. When the fighting happened, [my father sent] all of us to the mountains to flee from danger. My mother, three sisters, and I were in the mountains when my father had gone to bring a blanket to keep us warm. It was winter so it was cold. He was moving toward the mountain with the blanket when he was shot at. The bullet struck his back and left a hole through the blanket. I have brought the torn blanket with me today. After going to and coming back from Iran, we no longer had my father’s personal items with us. He had many diaries filled with his writings but he did not have anyone else here to preserve them. He only had us but we had left to Iran at that time.

It is mountainous here and he was struck with a bullet while he was walking towards the mountain. My grandfather and cousins brought us and my father back from the mountain. Afterward, I think my father was alive for one more day because there were no hospitals back then advanced enough to treat a bullet wound like that. Yes, they did not exist back then. After one day, my father passed away in our home in Bedmishkeen area. They [grandfather and cousins] had brought him back home since if he had been shot in his abdomen, he could not be saved. They did not take him to the hospital. He was alive for one day before passing away. Only the families of my cousin and mine went to the mountain, but there was another woman from Bedmishkeen coming toward the mountain with my father. However, she survived and is still alive today. Only my father was lost. We did not stay in the mountain after that. Only my father died.

The first time I heard about the fighting, people were saying that it was not that intense and not many people had been killed. The next time, the fighting was intense [had more casualties too] and maybe that is why it was over sooner. The people returned to their homes from their places of hiding in the mountains. Maybe that is why we also came back home. My grandfather brought us to Akhundu area about one week after the attack. My grandfather, who had become our guardian after my father, along with my three uncles and cousins buried my father. We only had them. My father was buried near a shrine called “Shah Qalandar” in Bedmishkeen area.

My mother was young and she tells us about the problems and hardships that we faced [after my father’s death]. She tells us about the [difficult] life she had. Obviously, my mother was very young. She only had three daughters with only one year gap between them. My mother was very young. She said that when my father died, there were not many casualties. There was no one to emphasize with her and tell her they are with her to support her. There were no such things. My mother fought [for us] all alone and faced many hardships. She even says that we did not even have shoes. She used to patch and sew our shoes together. We had a lot of such problems. When my grandfather was alive, he took us under his guardianship and he used to provide for our living expenses. He had four wives and my father was from his eldest [first] wife. My father did not have full-siblings. He only had one full-sister who lives in Iran. As for my uncles (father’s half-brothers), except for creating problems for us, they do not provide any help. As long as my grandfather was alive, my uncles used to help us. Now that he is no more, we have no one to help us. Three of my sisters are married now. Before that, we used to make hand sown [items] and sell them in the market. Also, before we sold our cow, we used to make ends meet that way.

I do not know the details [of how the incident took place]. I don’t know, maybe when he was fleeing towards the mountain, they were there and fired at him. Other than that, I do not have any more information. My mother says she could not enjoy her youth and how it went. There is a lump in her stomach area and when we ask her about it, she responds that it is all because of grief and sadness. She tells us that it is because of stress and worry that that area has hardened and now she is unwell. Her hands and feet hurt. She has worked a lot and now her wrist joints all hurt. We cannot even afford to treat her. There are some problems which prevents us from taking her to the hospital for treatment and her betterment.

I am a university student now. When I got accepted to the university, I told my mother that I would not go because she did not have the money to give me to go study. She told me to go because God is merciful; He has helped us until now without my father and He shall continue to help us.

I currently live in Bamiyan and with the seven thousand provided for living expenses, I manage. We do not have a financial support or a brother that can work, we only have my mother and she is unwell now. She is old and cannot work to provide for me. She cannot go work and give me money. Currently, with the living allowance that my university provides for me, I manage. My father was a hard worker and used to work in the fields day and night because he was a farmer. He was young back then. I heard from many people, they praised [how hard working] my father was. He was youthful and always used to work hard to provide for his family in an honest manner. Despite that, my mother tells me that my grandfather used to punish my father a lot and used his catchphrase, “may God take you young” a lot. However, I do not know the reason why he used to say that. Even then, my father always respected my grandfather and always worked hard to keep him happy and satisfied. Yes [we have pictures of my father], which one should I bring? Yes, [we live in Bedmishkeen currently] in a single room which my grandfather had given us at that time. My uncles are fighting over that now but we still live in that home.

No statement

No statement

وقتی از او یاد می‌کنند، روز روشن سرم تاریک می‌شود

راوی: محمدگل بلوچ (برادر قربانی)

قربانی: غلام‌رضا

زمان حادثه: ماه قوس سال ۱۳۹۷

مکان حادثه: در مسیر هلمند، منطقه گرشک، ولسوالی کجران ولایت دایکندی

من محمدگل از قوم بلوچ هستم. جای اصلی ما ولسوالی کجران ولایت دایکندی [است] و از قریه قلای لَش [هستم.] اسم شهید ما غلام‌‌رضا [است] و برادرم [می‌شود.] سالش؟ در تذکره‌اش، در همین وقتی که شهید شدند فقط به همین برج پنجم [بود] که این ششم برج است. شش ماه می‌شود که شهید شده‌اند. در ذهن مه نیست که در تذکریش چنده که از پیش خود من بگویم که ۴۵ ساله یه، در ذهن من نیه. تذکره‌اش همرایم هست. این‌ها که از اینجا می‌رفت، شش نفر زیر موتر شدند. از همان ولسوالی کجران بودند، جنگ بود و آمدیم ولایت هرات. نزدیک هفت هشت سال می‌شود. باز این‌ها از همین قوما-این‌طوری نیست که فامیلی نزدیک باشد- از همان قوم بلوچ بودند، سه نفر از همین قریه به همراه سه تای دیگه از مردم قندهار بود، همراه شده بود می‌رفت طرف منطقه، بالای زمین کشاورزی خود که ببیند چه هست. این‌ها به منطقه کجران می‌رفت، بلی آه. باز همین بود که در منطقه «خرخورده» این‌ها را مین بالا می‌کند. دیگه همین سه تای ما که مین بالا کرد، وقتی که ما خبر شدیم، خودم رفتم دیگه قوما هم آمده بود. دیگه در تشییع جنازه شاو ده نل (شاید منظورش شبانه است) خوده رساندم، روز که حرکت کردم شب رسیدم.

از منطقه خواهرزاده‌ام زنگ زد برایم. آن‌ها چون به کجران خیلی نزدیک‌اند. مین را طالبان گذاشته بودند، طالبان قتل کرد بخدا، منطقه کجران را قتل کرده، همین حالا منطقه جنگ است، ۲۴ ساعت جنگ است. روزی که کرزی صاحب سر تخت نشست، ۱۲ سال تاکنون سمت باغران و چارچینی حکومت نتوانسته. همین حالا جنگ روان است. دولت است، [در] همین منطقه کجران دولت است، او طرف هم طالب این طرف هم طالب. دیگه جنگ است، اردو هم است، اربکی هم است، پولیس هم است. از روزی که کرزی صاحب شیشته سنگر است، یعنی نمی‌تواند اصلا. اردو اگر نبودی همین اربکی اگر نبودی، پولیس محلی نباشه هر لحظه روی کجران جنگه. از روزی که غنی شده، نه پیش از او هم، زمان کرزی صاحب دوازده سال در باغران رفته نتوانسته. همین جنگ [است]، شب در منطقه مین گور کو، مین‌های کنترولی که هیچ مسلمان‌ها خبر ندارند. در سطح ولایت دایکندی از منطقه کجران بیش‌تر شهید نداده در افغانستان. گفتم که از فامیل خودم چهار تا شهید دادم. داماد ما شهید شده، باجه مه شهید که آن‌ها را من نیاوردم سیاه سرهایش هم آنجا هستند، که هرکدام چهار یا پنج یتیم دارند، در کجران هیچ خانوادۀ نیست که شهید نداده باشد. که چهار تا یتیم یکش دارد پنج تا هم دیگرش که یکی دامادم می‌شود دیگرش هم باجه‌ام می‌شود. منطقه کجران بی‌اعضای شهدا نیست.

امروز برای مردم خدمت می‌کنم و در هیچ مشکلات اشک مه نامده، مگر امروز که اینجا دیدم اشک‌هایم بالا آمد (گریه می‌کند) در طول عمر به قرآن اگر مشکلات سرم تأثیر کرده باشد، اما امروز عکس برادرم را دیدم اشکم جاری شد، داغ از دست دادن برادر خیلی سخت است(گریه می کند). برادرم ازدواج کرده بود، سه تا اولاد دارد که دو تا پسر است و یک تا دختر؛ اولادهایش یکی سن ۱۲ و دو تای دیگر پشت‌سر اوست، فرزند بزرگش پسر است، در همان‌جا متولد شده بود.

ما که رفتیم آن‌ها را به مسجد برده بودند. دیگه نمی‌شد، کالای آن‌ها همین پایین به بالا گوشت و خون بود. همین رواج ما است که شهید را هیچ چیز را از جانش نکشیم، با همان کالایش -مسجد خیلی خنک بود، همین تیرماه بود دیگه- ما هم رسیدیم قبر و تمام چیزها را جور کرده بود، فقط در همان مسجد داخل کفن با همان کالایش پیچ داده بود، فقط دیدارش را کردیم. از پایین به بالا دیگه خیلی صدمه دیده بود، نیاز به دیدن نبود، فقط رویش را دیدم.

برای ما که اطلاع آمد ساعت‌های یازده بجه بود، یازده صبح. برای ما از کجران زنگ زدند ساعت‌های یازده بود، که من آن را یادداشت گرفتم. اینش را نمی‌دانم که ساعت‌های ۱۰ بجه بوده مقصد ساعت یازده به ما خبر دادند که بیایید. طالبان می‌گویند ما نکرده‌ایم کس دیگر کرده، طالبان همان‌جا می‌روند و می‌آیند، موترها می‌رود و می‌آید. اگر چه تا حدی که بشناسند که ملکی است و بی‌غرض می‌باشند کاری با آن‌ها ندارند، اگر یک وقت بفهمد که برادر کسی پولیس یا اربکی است، او را می‌گیرند. چند تا که در همان وقت‌ها گرفته بود، از موتر تا کرده بود، یکی که برادرش را یوسف می‌گفت را پایین کرده بود، به یک گوشش فیر کرده و مرمی از گوش دیگرش بیرون شده بود و به او گفته بودند که چرا برادرت اربکی است.

در این شکل اگر شناسایی کنند که بشناسه که برادرش پولیس است یا اربکی یه یا مثلا چیزیه می‌کشند، اگر نشناسد بازهم غرض نداره. دیگه راهی [هم] نداره خو راه منطقه از همان‌جا است. برادرم کشاورز بود و برای کار رفته بود، زمین پدری همان‌جا است. مه خود مه نرفتم بیخی دل مه از همان منطقه سرد شده آن‌طور سرد شده که خدا می‌داند.

اگرچه که من بگویم زندگی خوبه، نه فقط شب و روز تیر می‌شه. وقتی که تو مهاجر باشی و اینجا بیایی و پول نداشته باشی، امروز در همان قریه که قریه نایبی می‌گه که همان‌جا یک‌نیم جریب زمین‌واری یه، کشاورزی یه، دیگه او تو چیزی نداره. مقصد یک روزگار میچله دیگه. خانمش بیچاره که من بگویم ماشین کار کرده باشد نه، یا گلدوزی کار کرده باشد نه، همین ماشین‌های ساده کار می‌کرد به منطقه، اینجا دیگه نه. پشم و این چیزها زن‌ها می‌آورند در قریه اما خوب معلومات ندارم. سه طفلش مکتب می‌رود، هرسه تایش به مکتب شیخ‌آباد می‌گه، همان‌جا می‌ره.

خواسته‌ام این است که خدایا مرگ زیر لحاف به مه نکنی، همان‌گونه که برادرم شهید شده، جام شهادت از خدا می‌خواهم. این آرزوی مه است در خاطره هم نوشته کردم. جام شهادت می‌خواهم که اصلا اگر خدا مره زیر لحاف می‌کند نکند، اگر مه بنده خاص تو ام، بگذار که جام شهادت را بنوشم، هرچه که شد. این آرزو را از خدا دارم.

بسیار یک اخلاق خاص داشت. همین اخلاق خاصش که بیادم می‌آید دلم آتش می‌گیرد(گریه راوی). به خاطر خوبی و مهربانی‌هایش دلم می‌سوزد، وقتی دوستانش نزد من غلام‌رضا می‌گویند و از او یاد می‌کنند، روز روشن سر من شب تاریک می‌شود، حالا از او چه بگویم، به آن‌ها نیز می‌گویم که او را نزد من یاد نکنید، قلبم آتش می‌گیرد، حالا که رفته نیست، اما غم‌هایش کمرم را شکسته است. جوان‌مرگی بسیار سخت است، ما سه برادر بودیم او برادر کوچکم بود، نزد ما بسیار نازدانه بود و او را بسیار دوست داشتیم، احترام مرا خیلی داشت، همۀ ما می‌میریم، ما هم پشت سر آن‌ها می‌رویم، لیکن همین داغی را که برای یکدیگر خود می‌گذاریم بسیار سخت است.

The Killing of AGSA refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e Charkhi Prison in Kabul, between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA, was led by Asadullah Sarwari. Thousands of individuals were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared to. A list of those slain by the AGSA was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

On August 3, 2017, Anti-Government Elements - including Taliban and local self-proclaimed Daesh/Islamic State affiliated fighters - launched an attack against Mirza Olang Village in Sayyad District, Sari Pul Province. Fighting continued until August 5th. The village, known as ‘the gate to Sayyad,’ lies deep in a long valley. Its southern entrance is near to the border of neighbouring Faryab Province and is located 20 km south of the Sayyad district administrative centre. Much of the area surrounding the district administrative centre has been under control of Anti-Government Elements for more than one year.

While in Pain and Agony, They Threw Him Among Salts

Jamila Hussaini is a 23-year-old married woman living in the Mirzaolang refugee tents. Jamila was born in Sar-e Pol Province. Until the fighting in Mirzaolang, she lived there in Naoabad’s Masjid Sarsang Village. She used to weave kilim rugs in Mirzaolang and has two sons named Binyamin and Yosuf.

Narrator: Jamila Hussaini (Victim’s sister)

Victim: Sayed Shahbaba Hussaini (45-years-old)

Place of incident: Mirzaolang, Sayad District, Sar-e Pol Province

My name is Jamil Hussaini and I studied till the fourth grade. I am 23-years-old and was born in Mirzaolang. Our village was called Sarsang. I am a housewife and do no other work except taking care of my sons. Previously, I used to weave rugs.

We are three siblings. I have two children named Binyamin, 3, born in Mirzaolang, and Yosuf, 1, who was born in Mazar. Currently, we live in rented houses in the Hassan Abad area of Mazar-e-Sharif. Before, we spent eight months in refugee tents. We lived in Sarsang Village where the fighting happened. Sayed Shahbaba, 45 years of age, was my brother and he was born in Mirzaolang. My brother used to farm in the village but he was literate.

My brother had two wives: six children from his first wife, and three daughters and two sons from his second wife. His eldest child from his first wife is Shah Jahan, 18-years-old, who studied only until the second grade. His second son is 17-years-old and studied until the eighth grade before we fled Mirzaolang. He has another son called Mohammad Ali and the name of his 14-year-old daughter is Bibijan, who does not study. Another son is called Juma Khan, 13, and the other daughter is Sumaya, 12. His children from his second wife are as follows: Zubaida (daughter), 12, Arifa (daughter), 9, Jawad (son), 7, Ruqaya (daughter), 4 and Kazim (son), only five-and-a-half years old.

My brother’s children no longer study after we fled Mirzaolang. There are either no schools here, or people do not want kids from Mirzaolang to study in their schools. The caretaker of the family after my brother was his 17-year-old son. We have left all our belongings - property, land, everything - and now, we have nothing.

When the fighting occurred in Mirzaolang, all thirteen members of the [victim’s] family were inside their home. My other brother also lived on the same property but all their finances and expenses were completely separate. My brother [victim] was the breadwinner of his family. On the night of the attack, all their property and donkeys, stacked with crops and harvest, remained in place while they fled and left everything behind.

On Sunday night, the Taliban captured the [police] checkpoints in Mirzaolang and for two nights, the people fought against the Taliban. On the third night, government forces and tanks came. The people said they would not leave until the last moment. On that last night, we were still in our village and after we came out to the streets, both the Taliban and government forces were shooting but neither side recognized the other, and everyone fled the area. Truly, life is precious. Everyone was trying to save themselves and because of the firing and tanks, all of them were separated while fleeing. We were the first to have escaped the area and it was still dark outside, but we could hear the sounds of gunfire.

My brother was separated from his family who managed to flee to Sar-e Pol with us. However, when we reached Sar-e Pol, he [victim] did not answer his phone and no one knew of his whereabouts. This is until the situation got better. After twelve days, my family went back to the area and found out that my brother had died. During those twelve days, many bodies, including my brother’s, had decomposed and became unrecognizable. My family recognized my brother from his footwear from the Panjshir area. There were around 30 to 40 more dead with my brother. Our relatives say that they could not sleep for one week after collecting the bodies because of how horribly the bodies were torn and decomposed.

Many people were wailing holding onto their father or uncle’s patho, or their mother, sister, or child’s clothes after they had returned to the area. I have videos of some of those scenes that I will show to you.

Truly, they killed the people in a cowardly manner because our area and its residents were not on the battle fronts. They held our people hostage and killed them, no matter their age. My brother’s children would always say that their father was in Mirzaolang to take care of the cattle in order to bring them to the family. However, when the news of my brother’s death reached, my sisters-in-law and their children were completely devastated as they could not believe it. They were all crying.

The children from my brother’s first wife lost both their father and mother. As for the children from the second wife, she’s the only caretaker of the family and they are not in good living circumstances. They do not have any new clothes or good food on Eid or other happy occasions. My sister-in-law (victim’s second wife) barely makes ends meet for eleven members of her family with rug weaving and doing people’s laundry. We never considered the security in Mirzaolang to be bad because all our property, land, and livelihood were there. We never thought that the Taliban would ruin our lives and make us homeless. But no, when the police checkpoints were abandoned, the Taliban surrounded the valley and fired at us. Binyamin, my youngest son, tripped several times when we were fleeing but still, because life is precious, he would do his best to run and escape the area. It was God’s will for some to die, and others to stay alive and get displaced like this.

The Taliban would always come to our village to tell us to surrender but we never did. In the end, neither the government nor the local people were able to defend [against them] until Mirzaolang collapsed and our people were killed. All of the Taliban and Daesh fight like cowards. They attack our homes, villages, and checkpoints without warning. They killed farmers, laborers, and daily workers. I wish our people had weapons to fight against the Taliban and kill them. But no, our people were all impoverished.

Our people (from Mirzaolang) tell the tale of an old man who was confident that the Taliban would not harm him because of his age. He went to the village but the Taliban did not have mercy, even to him. They injured him and afterward, while he was in pain and agony, they threw him among the salt in a salt shop. The old man died there in pain and agony. Believe me when I say that our apple, grape, and other fruits were still hanging in their trees when we fled Mirzaolang. I still cannot sleep well and remember that we would pray to die rather than get captured by the Taliban and not die by their bullet at every moment while fleeing. I still remember the Taliban noises (as a result of their attack); it is truly terrifying. I really want the government to bring my family and me back to Mirzaolang so that we live in our homes independently and not in refugee tents. We are tired of being displaced and homeless. We want to go back to our homes, lands, and its crops.

The Killing of AGSA refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e Charkhi Prison in Kabul, between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA, was led by Asadullah Sarwari. Thousands of individuals were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared to. A list of those slain by the AGSA was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

No statement

The Killing of AGSA refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e Charkhi Prison in Kabul, between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA, was led by Asadullah Sarwari. Thousands of individuals were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared to. A list of those slain by the AGSA was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

The Killing of AGSA refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e Charkhi Prison in Kabul, between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA, was led by Asadullah Sarwari. Thousands of individuals were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared to. A list of those slain by the AGSA was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

The Killing of AGSA refers to the collective murder of opponents of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan in the Pul-e Charkhi Prison in Kabul, between 1978 and 1979. The Afghan Intelligence Office, or AGSA, was led by Asadullah Sarwari. Thousands of individuals were put to death without a single trial, probe, or even allegation. Many Afghan families had no idea where their loved ones had disappeared to. A list of those slain by the AGSA was made public by the Dutch Prosecutor's Office in 2013.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

He Was Very Sad When He Heard the Next Day’s Demonstration Was Cancelled

Narrator: Jamila Nouri (wife)

Victim: Mohammad Hassan Rahimi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

I am Jamila Nouri, the wife of the martyred Mohammad Hassan Rahimi. He was killed at the age of 25. He was born in the village of Gardane Nouri in the Behsud District, in Maidan Wardak Province. He lost his father when he was six-months-old. He then lived with his maternal grandfather until he was 13-years-old. He went to the Mira-zar school. I don't know exactly what level he studied up to there. Later, his uncle took him to his home in Kajab, where he lived for three years. From his uncle's house, he emigrated to Iran. There, he continued going to school. Later, his uncle sent him to Pakistan to do work, such as carpet weaving and labor, but he escaped from there, and again left for Iran. He lived there for four or five years.

He was my cousin. My mother used to worry about him, so my father looked for him, and found his contact number. He called him, and when my mother heard that he was fine, she was so relieved, she was very pleased. In 2007, he called us and asked my family for my hand in marriage. We got married in 2009. He was very kind and well-mannered. He never spoke to me in a loud voice. In Iran, since he did not have an immigration card, he had been deported twice. After the second time, he returned to Afghanistan and decided to start a new business here. We had some capital and he borrowed some money from his brother and the bank. He bought a shop in Golayi Mahtabb Qala, where his main business was metal work. After eight months of working in the shop, he called me and told me to join him in Kabul. I asked him to come and get me because I could not travel alone. This is how we came to be living in Kabul together.

He had so many dreams. One of his dreams was for his children to grow up, get educated, and be able to look after themselves and their families. Before our marriage, he was very interested in politics and used to listen to the news. He always said that if his father were alive, he could have studied and become a good politician. He had not learned basic literacy skills, yet he used to analyze political issues very well. He always participated in the Baba Mazari commemoration ceremonies and was deeply attached to his people. When the subject of electricity and the discussion of the Enlightenment Movement was raised, he told me, “It is not an ethnic issue; we should demand our rights; how long should we remain silent? Whenever I see a Hazara person in markets, they are either pushing hand carts or working as shoe polishers. Hazaras have a tiny share in government and even less in private businesses. Hazara women stay at home, and our men are day labourers.” Whenever he took part in the Enlightenment Movement meetings, he would encourage the youth and other people [to join the meetings]. One day before his death in martyrdom, we visited our aunt's house. One of my cousins had just returned from Iran. He warned that it was better not to take part in the demonstration. Mohammad Hassan was upset at this and replied, "If I stay home, and if you don’t take part in the demonstration, who will? This time, the entire nation has to join in and we have to stand up for our rights.” My aunt's family insisted we should stay at their house for the night, but my husband said we should go because he had work to do the next day. He dared not tell his mother he wanted to take part in the demonstration the next day. Even I didn't know that the next day he would join the protest.

The first time he participated, I knew nothing about it till my son saw his father on TV. When he came home that night, I asked him why he did not go to work. He said, “There was no work; none of us attended work today.” Our last house was in Resalat Alley. The night before, he had been watching television until 11:00 pm, and he had been distraught when he heard that the next day’s demonstration was cancelled. We had a talk about it. I told him, “Please don't go tomorrow.” But he told me, “Certainly, I will go to the demonstration and I will defend the rights of my people.” There were three large photos of Khalili, Mohaqeq, and Baba Mazari on our wall. I removed the pictures of the two leaders and left Baba Mazari’s image untouched.

My husband was always talking about politics. I didn't know much about politics and I can’t say I like it. I had already concluded that our leaders thought solely of their own interests and never think about their people. The night before, I had tried to insist that instead of going to the demonstration, he should go to work and think about our lives. I reminded him that our children would ask him for a loaf of bread, and the landlord would ask him for rent. “What do we have to do with a demonstration and with politics?” I asked him. “It has never benefited us!” But he said again, "I will participate."

On the day of the attack, he slept till 7:00 a.m. After he woke up, I set the breakfast table. We were having breakfast when a van passed by the street, announcing that the demonstration was not cancelled and encouraging everyone to participate. He took just a few quick bites and rushed out of the house. Then he came back in and said he had forgotten his phone. I repeated that I did not want him to go to the demonstration. He said something about having lent someone money and that he was going to go get it back so he could pay the rent. He never lied to me. But when noticed how anxious I was, he told me this to calm me down. When I felt reassured, I started doing the laundry. The TV was on, and the captions were broadcasting news about the Dehmazang attack, but I didn't notice because I was so busy working. His cousin called me and asked me where Hassan was. I said he had gone out to get his money for the rent.

I got worried and called Hassan. His phone rang, but nobody answered. Twenty minutes later, his cousin, my brother-in-law, came to the house and asked, "Is Hassan home?" I called everyone I could think of, and everyone said they had been here or there, but no one had seen Hassan. Nobody knew where he was. Whoever I called answered the phone told me where they were, in such and such place. One person said he was at work and had not taken part in the demonstration, but also, he had not seen Hassan. Until the evening, I kept calling his brother and asking him about Hassan, but he kept saying he could not find him. I could not calm down, and rang his number again. This time, a stranger answered my husband’s phone and said, “Hassan is injured and needs blood; bring him blood as soon as possible.” I immediately called his brother and told him Hassan was injured and in Ibn-Sina Hospital and needed blood. Ten minutes later, I called again to ask where they were. His brother said they were in a heavy traffic jam and were on their way to the hospital. I was so upset and besides myself with worry. So, I called his brother again. He said Hassan was not in Ibn-Sina, so they were going to see if he was in Wazir Akbar Khan Hospital.

I had a bad feeling about it and called again. This time, his brother said, “Hassan is conscious and needs blood. He will remain in the hospital tonight.” I didn't know what to do with my two little children because I didn't know any place where I could leave them. That is why I called my uncle. He said, “Wait, I'll come, and we'll go to the hospital together.” I waited for a long time, but my uncle never came for me. Then I called my brother-in-law again and said I wanted to talk to Hassan. He told me they did not allow him to speak, but he was fine. A few minutes later, he called me and said they would bring him home. I became happy again and waited expectantly. But after 20 minutes, my brother-in-law called again and said, “We will not be bringing him home. Instead, we are taking him to my uncle's house in Kampany because the roads [to your house] are in bad condition, and he is injured and will be bothered.” I told him the road to Kampany was worse than the road to our house. I got very sad when they took Hassan to his uncle's house. I told myself that he had never been away from his children and from me.

At night, his uncle’s grandson came to take my children and me to their house. I told him I would not go there; he should come home. He said Hassan was injured, could not walk, and needed to rest. My heart was bleeding. I told him: “OK, I will come there tomorrow.” The following day, when I finished the housework and was preparing to go to my uncle-in-law’s house with my children, my aunt and her children came to our house and asked about Hassan. I told her the story. After a few minutes, I called my brother-in-law and asked where they were. He said they had taken Hassan to Watan Hospital to change the dressing on his wound. I got upset again and told him I knew the hospital and would go there myself. He did not want me to go, but my mother-in-law and I insisted on going to the hospital. Then his aunt and her husband prevented us from going and told us they would bring Hassan home after the dressing was changed. In the meantime, the house gate opened, and I noticed relatives gathering in the alley. My heart trembled and I was struck dumb. I hardly managed to get to his uncle’s house, and it was there that I learned that Hassan had died.

My whole world has been destroyed. My husband never stopped caring for us. Now, look at how we are left alone forever, and with no one to look after us anymore. I have so many problems. We don’t have a house and we are helpless. I am left alone with my two little children, and there is nothing we can do but place our faith in God. How can I follow in my husband's footsteps when the government does nothing for us? The government itself is involved in killing our youth.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

We Found Him with His Limbs Cut Off

Narrator: Mohammad Hashim (brother)

Victim: Sarwar Hasani

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

My brother was 22-years-old. Sarwar had many good qualities and always treated people with good manners. He continuously cared about his studies. When we lived in Ghazni, he lived in Kabul. He was in second grade. When we moved to Kabul, he enrolled at the Abdul Rahim Shahid School. In that school, he was always top student. Since our financial situation was not good, he also worked in addition to studying. He used to make bricks at night and go to school during the day. He attended both private and public schools and studied up to 9th grade. After that he went to Iran, where he started working in a plastering and sculpture factory. He lived there for almost three years and continued plastering work before returning to Afghanistan. He was able to resume his studies and graduated from a private school. When he was martyred, the Tajiks and Pashtuns also wept for him because he was kind to everyone, and his family and people were very appreciative of Sarwar. He worked in Shamali because our finances were bad. One day before the incident, he was in Shamali. At night, he learned through Facebook that there was a demonstration planned on Saturday. He told us he wanted to participate. We told him, "Why are you going to participate in this demonstration?" He said, “No, my friends called me to be with them tomorrow.” He didn't listen to us. The next day, he went to Dehmazang with his friends. We called him at lunchtime and told him to come home and have lunch. He said he was in Dehmazang and was not coming home. Then, his phone was switched off and we could not contact him anymore. When we learned about the incident, we searched all the hospitals. After four days and nights, we found him in the 400-bed hospital. We found him with his limbs cut off. What I remember about those moments is that he had suffered so much. He was martyred in a such a very sad way, and he left us alone.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

He wishes the people of our district make progress

Narrator: Iqbal Ali (Father)

Victim: Aref Hussain Shaygan

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

In the name of God, the most Merciful, the most Compassionate, I am Iqbal Ali from the Pato area in the district of Jaghori, in the province of Ghazni. My son was born on Thursday night, January 1, 1991. According to the traditions in that area, they sweeten the newborn’s mouth with honey and Mohr (clay tablet) from Karbala. When the ceremony for sweetening the newborn’s mouth was over, the mullah came to our home and named him and called Adhan to his ear. I named my son Aref Hussain. He grew up day by day till he reached the age of four. In our area, there was no such thing as books to teach children with. There was only one single book, Qaida Baghdadi, taught to children. It may sound unbelievable, but one day when he was aged 4, Aref Hussain held this book under his arm and said to me: “Daddy, I go to school.” I was very surprised and said, “My good son, you have just learned how to utter complete sentences. How can you go to school?” He just replied, “It’s ok. I go to school." He was small and could not speak properly yet.

He went to school that fall. While the other boys would finish Panj Surahs in four or five months, Aref Hussain finished it in the three months of winter. What interested us all the most was his discipline. He didn’t tear a single page in the book. There were no government schools in our area and so until the age of seven, my son was taught by the mullahs at a religious school. He was very intelligent and if I had sent him to Iran or any other country to pursue his studies, by the age of 20 he could have reached the level of an Ijtihad [a jurist with the mental ability to find solution to complex legal questions].

When he turned seven, a government school opened in our area and he was admitted to second grade. I told him: “My son, I myself wanted you to become a good mullah because well-educated and knowledgeable mullahs are rare in our area.” He responded, “Father, I don’t like mullahs or want to become a mullah.” He continued school until twelfth grade and was always the top student in his class and in the school. When he was in seventh grade, he was a good reciter of the Quran in the Pato area and could recite Quran in Qari Abdul Basit style of recitation. He would be asked to moderate at various venues and was often asked to open the event with one of his recitation of the Quran.

As a child, he had a good character, so much so that he was known among local people for this quality of his. Whenever a child was born, they would come to our house and ask Aref Hussain to sweeten the newborn’s mouth so that the child would grow up to be as graceful and good as Aref Hussain. It is a tradition in our area to shave boys’ hair when they turn 6 or 7. When they shaved the boys’ hair, they would put Aref Hussain’s hat on their heads so they could all grow up as smart as him. Even from his early childhood, Aref attracted everyone due to his fine character and intelligence. He would never upset his family or others. Both men and women in Pato loved him. He was a pious and godly boy. My son studied in the Pato School till fifth grade and then enrolled in the Ustad Sharifi School in the Hutqul area. He participated fully in his classes and always achieved top marks. Every year, he would receive about 40 or 50 awards from teachers and friends. He came back to Pato for eleventh grade. When he returned, he started up some social and civil activities. He would always say he wanted the people in our district to make progress and achieve greater success. He began raising funds to establish a library in the Sang-e Masha area. Once he had the building constructed for a library, he visited mullahs and teachers in the area to ask them to donate any books they might have available at home. He told them it was a good thing to share their books so everyone could have access to them. Now the library he built is still the biggest in Jaghori. He would always encourage children to study and read. He would tell them that if they wanted to progress in life, they should read voraciously and pay serious attention to their lessons. After he graduated from high school, he passed the kankor [national university entry exam] and was admitted to study Economics at Herat University.

He studied diligently in Herat for four years. After graduating from university, he went to Kabul and lived in the Pul-e Sokhta area for two months. For four years, I had not been able to send even one Afghani to my son. Herat [University] didn’t have any dormitories and my son’s accommodation was not suitable for him, so he paid his own expenses with the help of his friends from the Hutqul area who had fled to Europe. I asked my son to come home to celebrate his graduation, but he would not come until he had found a job so that he could help us financially. He told me that he would not come home until he found a good job, since our economic situation was not good. During the two months he was in Kabul, he couldn’t find any work, and had decided to come back home. In Hutqul, his friends gathered in five or six cars, celebrating his graduation. They gave him flowers and paraded him home. He gave everyone time and attention, and thanked us with these words: “I do not want to take much of your time. Thank you for caring about me and profuse thanks also to my father who brought me to this point and worked hard for me. I won’t forget your support while I was far from home and will do everything in my capacity to serve you.”

Aref had been away from home a lot. He had spent his life moving, from school to graduating from university. Yet he remained jobless in Kabul for almost one year until he was hired by the Ministry of Justice, in the public management department. He came home for three days, then said he couldn’t stay home any longer with us as he would be marked absent in his office. He continued to strive, taking an exam for a scholarship offered by the Indian government. He was accepted to a program in computer science and was supposed to travel there to pursue his education.

Aref had an impact on the whole village. When sometimes there was a dispute among villagers over land or other issues in our area, and the dispute would linger on, Aref’s behaviour towards them would always remain friendly and considerate. That is why he was loved by so many, why all the people of the area loved him. I had trained my children not to speak ill of someone to someone else. I remember, for example, I had an altercation one day with one of my acquaintances and this man cursed me. I went home that night and related the incident to Aref Hussain. He told me: “Father, these words do not heal any pain and do not bring you any benefits, because the man is at his home.” His words were beautiful and soothing for me. My son was right. I should not have gotten angry at bygone words from my acquaintance.

But God took him back from us on July 23, 2016, and now he rests under the soil with all his dreams. Whenever he called us, we would chat to one another, and I would tell him: “You are my only child and all I have and I have no hope but in God.” He would sometimes complain about life and wished he could travel to another country so our financial situation could improve. But I would always comfort him and say he should remember that great men and scientists who had achieved their goals did so through hardship and difficulties, and that he too would achieve his dreams. Because I am his father, I perhaps praise my son too much, but you can ask our friends and neighbours.

On that Saturday night, two people came to our house and said they needed a word with me. I thought there had been a dispute in the village and that I would be asked to mediate. One of them said that there had been an explosion in Kabul the day before and that Aref’s leg had been broken. I had never heard such bad and heart-wrenching news in my life. Suddenly, I was engulfed by a terrible feeling as I suspected that something much more serious had happened.

We left for Kabul at 2 pm. Before that incident, I used to love Kabul, and my son was also happy there. The people of Kabul were lovely. When I arrived in Kabul this time, our friends there told me that Aref Hussain had passed away. Some of the brothers said that for the unity and memory of martyrs, it was better to bury him on Martyrs Hill in Kabul. I said that in 1980, one of my brothers was martyred by the Russians between “Shahjoy” and “Janda” and was buried there, but the exact location of his grave was never known. Therefore, we buried Aref’s body in Jaghori. I have kept my son’s writings and I can bring them for you. There might be more than one hundred pages.

After some time, I received a call from Junbesh Roshanai and the Ministry of Justice to go to Kabul in person. I responded to them that Aref was well-liked in Kabul, and why should I have to go to Kabul? I had an Aref Hussain in Kabul who was my only hope in Kabul, and I no longer wanted to go as I had no good memory of the place.

Then I thought to myself that this tragedy had not happened only to me. For the sake of justice and rights, since some 80 to 84 people had been martyred and my son was just one of them; I should go. I remembered the Movement’s motto, saying that this demonstration was not an ethnic issue. Rather, it belonged to all the people of Afghanistan and was for the sake of justice.

Then Dr. Sharif called me and said that in order to honour the memory of the martyrs of Junbesh Roshanai and keep their names alive, an event would be held in Kabul. The event was intended to raise the voices of the martyrs and their families, for all the world to hear. I then left Jaghori to go and join other friends and commemorate all the martyrs.

After the incident, I had locked myself up in the house for three months and lost all hope in the entire world. I still talk to myself when I walk down the street and say to myself that my son walked on this path and his youth and memories are still alive. When I went to the Ministry of Justice, I found Aref’s chair empty and sat on his chair to soothe my heart, but my heart’s peace was lost by the martyrdom of Aref Hussain.

But I will follow his path and will not allow his blood to be trampled.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

Abbas Was Martyred and Left Me Alone with Sorrows

Narrator: Zahra (mother)

Victim: Abbas Mohammadi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

Abbas always left for work early in the morning, but on the day of the demonstration, no matter how much I called him, he would not wake up. I attended to the house chores, but he still didn’t wake up. I called him again, but he told me he was tired and wanted to rest. When he woke up, he asked his wife for his white clothes, but his wife did not give him the clothes. He got angry and kicked her, saying, “Every day my mother ironed my clothes. Today she has washed clothes and is tired. ” I calmed him down. His wife ironed the clothes and gave them to him. Abbas called and said he wanted to wear the new slippers he had bought the day before. He called me and said, “Mother! If there is anything left from the Eid cookies, bring me some. I am very hungry for cookies.” I quickly brought him some cookies. When having tea, he said, “Mother, I don’t feel interested in work today.” I said it’s good for you to go to work. I gave him a new handkerchief as he was leaving the house. Around noon, we were sitting at the table and having lunch, and I told his sister in-law, “I feel very restless today. Please call Abbas.” When she called Abbas, he did not pick up the phone. A few minutes later, he called and said he was in Dehmazang waiting for the demonstration to come to an end.

We ate lunch and put away the tablecloth. At 1:24 pm, I got the news that there had been an explosion. I immediately called his number but he didn’t answer. I was beating myself and crying. His father wouldn’t let me leave the house because I could not control myself. I told him, “Let me go. My son has been martyred.” I kept crying and screaming until the next day, but it was pointless. The next morning, at 10:00 am, Abbas was taken to the mosque. I went there and saw Abbas. I passed out when I saw his body. When I regained consciousness, I asked everyone where Abbas was. They said they had taken him to the cemetery for burial. He has two children, a seven-year-old girl, and a two-year-old boy. His wife is also pregnant. Soon after Abbas was martyred, less than forty days after, his wife’s family came to find their daughter and took her away. I pleaded with her not to go. I said it is your house, and you are like my daughter, but she did not listen to me. She went and left her children behind. She said she would also bring us the new child after birth. She listened to her father, who wanted her to go to his house. We live in the same alley. Now, I feel hopeless for this innocent child crying at night and calling for his mother. I don’t know what my daughter in-law’s family told her to make her leave the children and go to her father’s house. Abbas was martyred and left me alone with such sorrows.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

He Detested Indolence

Narrator: Ali Sina (son)

Victim: Homayoun Rasikh

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

My father was born in Qol Village of the Qarabagh District in Ghazni Province. He got married in his early youth at 14-years-old. He spent his childhood in that province. After American forces defeated the Taliban and during the transitional government, my father moved to Kabul and started a new life in the city. He rented a shop in the Mandavi neighbourhood and started working. He was sociable, kind, and calm. He did not argue with anyone, and always treated people with patience and kindness. The people in our community loved him very much.

He always warned us that one should not be proud of his status, worldly possessions, or even children, because this pride may cause a person to fail. It could make people hate a person, keep their distance, and not come to their aid in times of need. He was always busy doing something and he detested indolence. As I grew up, I never saw my father just going out to have fun, not even once. He continually worked and struggled to improve our lives so we would not feel underprivileged.

He was very fond of his people and always defended the rights of the oppressed. One night before the incident, I asked him why Hazaras only had the right to 3% of government posts, and why even that low percentage was currently not met. He explained that oppressed communities are always marginalized because of injustice and corruption in the country, and if we protest against the government, we will also suffer. Only education and awareness could save our people from poverty and their plight. A week before the July 23rd demonstration, his behavior with the family members changed. It was strange. He tried to take the time to speak with each and every family member. He had so many dreams for our future. He would always say: “All I want is for you to get an education and be able to help yourself, your family, and your society.” My sisters and I saw my father the morning of the attack. The night before the incident of July 23rd, I insisted that I would also go along to the demonstration. My father warned that I was inexperienced and that something could happen. He did not want me to get hurt. Also the following morning, my uncle announced that he too wanted to take part in the demonstration. But my father opposed this and said he would participate on behalf of his whole family; that that would be enough.

I go to Ghazi High School, and my sisters go to Suriya High School. I returned from school at 9 am on July 23rd and ran into my father in Karte Sakhi. I asked him where he was going, and he said he would go to Dehburi and from there to Dehmazang. He asked where I was going. I said I had been let out of school early, and I was going home. Then I would go to the shop to help my uncle. When I went to my uncle’s shop, after an hour, he told me, “You have to take some money to the Karavan Printing House in Dehmazang.” We had previously borrowed some money from the owner of the printing house, and July 23rd was the due date for repayment. I left for Dehmazang to repay the money, but it was crowded. The road was closed. I made it to the printing house with great difficulty and paid the money. The streets were closed so I couldn't get a taxi. So I walked to Karte Sakhi and arrived there by 11 o'clock. Later in the day, it was around 1:30pm and I hadn't eaten. I was hungry so I was going to eat when our shop apprentice, Abuzar, said, “An hour ago, I saw your father in Dehmazang. Now I have heard there was an explosion.” I became distraught and called my father but he didn't answer his phone. My father had a SIM card shop in Kot-e-Sangi. I called all his numbers but still got no answer. I kept on calling, but I didn't get a response until someone else picked up his phone around 2 pm. He said the phone's owner was wounded, and we had to go to Aliabad Hospital. By the time I got to the hospital, my father had died.

Some days later, I saw a video showing my father trying to get into an ambulance when he was injured but because of the horrible situation, no one was paying attention. The cause of my father's death was severe bleeding. One piece shrapnel damaged an artery, and another hit his back. When I received my father's body, I was in a terrible mental state, and did not realize we should register his name in the hospital. We buried him in Karte-Sakhi.

On the day of the incident, my father had talked to [Ahmad] Behzad just five minutes before the explosion. The explosion happened after Behzad left. This story was told by Behzad himself when he came to our house to offer his condolences. After the incident, my mother forbade me from taking part in Movement gatherings. We all believed we were risking our lives to gain legitimacy, trading the blood of our poor and oppressed people.

We received 50,000 Afghanis from the Movement and 20,000 Afghanis from Ayatollah Mohaqeq Kabuli. We did not receive any honorarium from the government. My mother visited the Ministry of Martyrs and Disabled to get a card. They said that some Movement leaders had submitted group applications for the families of martyrs and were working on it, but there have been no updates so far. I am the family's eldest child and in the 10th grade. I have five sisters younger than me, and I am now responsible for caring for the family. Now, I must study and work at the same time so that my family does not need help from others with our daily expenses. I try to fulfil one of my father's wishes, which is to serve my family.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

He Used to Encourage His Friends to Stand Up for Their Rights

Narrator: Hazratullah Shirzad (brother)

Victim: Abdul Latif Zahidi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

Praise to the martyrs of the 23rd of July, and greetings to you. I am Hazratullah Shirzad, brother of the martyr Abdul Latif. We come from Ghazni Province, Qarabagh District. My brother graduated from Naiqala High School during the Taliban era. Because conditions were terrible in those years, he emigrated to Iran and lived and worked there for several years. After a few years, he returned to Afghanistan. He spent some time in Kandahar Province and then came to Kabul. After he came here, he worked with me in dentistry.

I went to Ghazni this year during Ramadan and remained there until the day of the incident. My brother always encouraged his friends and us to get an education. He advised all his friends to study hard, he was a keen reader. He was 28-years-old when he was killed, and left behind two daughters and two sons. After my brother's death, life has been difficult for the entire family and for me. He was not only a brother, but also a good friend and comrade to all of us.

As I said, when the incident happened, I was in Ghazni. Someone called me to say that a suicide attack had occurred in Dehmazang, and that unfortunately, Abdul Latif was injured. They wanted me to return to Kabul as soon as possible. I didn't even know how they took him to the hospital or how he had been martyred. By the time I arrived in Kabul, it was too late. I didn't know the details of the incident, but I arrived at his funeral. I couldn't believe it. I was in a terrible mental state; it is excruciating and almost impossible to describe those moments. He always encouraged his friends to stand up for their civil rights and not allow anyone to violate them. He believed everyone should have equal rights and access to social justice. To achieve that, they must fight.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

Mother, I Will Sacrifice My Life for Justice

Narrator: Zakia (mother)

Victim: Mehr Ali Mohammadi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

I am mother of the martyr Mehr Ali. He was 33-years-old. He was very interested in community centred activities such as demonstrations and ceremonies of the month of Muharram. He always tried to treat people well. I told him not to participate in this demonstration because of the dire situation. He smiled and said there was no way for him not to go. “If I don't go, you don't go, and since so-and-so are afraid to go, who will defend our rights?” he said. I argued that he was a workman, a simple carpenter, and he did an excellent service by providing for his children.

Three days before the incident, both of us had travelled to Pakistan. He kept telling me he hoped he would be alive until Saturday so that he could participate in the demonstration. I even got mad at him and told him the demonstration was none of his business.

What have Khalili and Mohaqeq done for you, a simple worker, why support them? If only they had stood by, defended their people, and served the poor.

He told me again: “No, mother, I will sacrifice my life for justice. If I am killed, I am a martyr. If we succeed, we will be holy warriors.” He did not listen to me. I am very sad, but I say that maybe martyrdom was his fate, and I should not be ungrateful. We went to my eldest son's house in Haji Nabi town on Friday. They had organized a Holy Quran recitation ceremony. I told my eldest son to stop Mehr Ali from going because he is married and has several children, and God forbid something could happen. My eldest son said, “I will participate in the demonstration tomorrow and take my son with me. Don't worry, there will be no problem.” He had also participated in the protest for Tabassum. When I called him to ask where he was, he said, “Don't worry, mother, I'm near Fawara Aab.” In the second demonstration, when I called him to ask him where he was, he said he was at Pol-e-Artal. In the last demonstration, his fate was to meet martyrdom, but we cannot do anything against God’s will. This time, when he went to the demonstration, I didn't even remember to call him and ask where he was.

At 2 pm, I received a call from Mazar-e-Sharif. My eldest daughter called me and asked, “Are your sons at home?” At first, I was not paying attention, and I said yes, they were at home. I suddenly remembered and told her that her brothers were in the demonstration. “Zia and Mehr Ali are at the demonstration,” I said. She suddently said that a suicide attack had just happened in Dehmazang.

I left the house and called my eldest son. He said, “Mother, I am at home, but I don’t know where Mehr Ali is.” My sons lived in separate houses, that's why they didn't know about each other’s whereabouts. My eldest son had gone to his place in Haji Nabi township. When I called Mehr Ali, his phone rang several times, but no one picked it up. I told myself that he was not an inconsiderate boy. If he got the news, he would immediately call us to update us about his location and not let us worry. I instantly thought that my son was martyred. We went to Ibn-e Sina Hospital, I saw the corpses up close. Like the father of martyr Qasemi, I kept cursing Khalili and Mohaqeq out of excruciating grief. But it was useless because they had deserted their people, sacrificing innocent youths for their deal. We went to the NDS (National Directorate of Security) Hospital. They kept us busy for a couple of hours and said he was there, but we could not find Mehr Ali. They called us again from Esteqlal Hospital and wanted us to go there. Mehr Ali was there. By the time we arrived there, they had already handed over the bodies of the martyrs.

I noticed all our close relatives were there. This led me to believe my son had been killed, he had been martyred. All our close relatives gathered around me and took me home. The body was taken to Wazir Mohammad Akbar Khan Hospital. We brought my son's body from the hospital at ten o'clock the next morning. It may have been his fate to be martyred like this. He has four small children. I still praise God and pray for his sons to grow up and have a worthy future. The tremendous pain is that his young wife is pregnant and was widowed at a young age. May God give me the ability to support and serve them. He was 33-years-old when he was martyred. He was very sociable and kind, and all our relatives, neighbours, and friends loved him. He always treated people kindly. Whenever there was a happy or sad event, Mehr Ali would help the extended family. Whenever I called and asked him where he was, he would say, “Don't worry, mother, I am at the so and so event to serve people.” He was a very diligent boy. He had not been able finish school due to the insecurity created by the Taliban, so he learned carpentry and was highly skilled at it. Despite the grief of losing him, I am proud that he was not killed for an evil cause. He was martyred for the sake of justice, and I am proud of him. I loved him very much and will always love him.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

The Third Body Was My Father

Narrator: Shafiqullah (Son)

Victim: Abdul Shakoor Karimzada

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

My father was born in 1942 in Qoluj Village of Qarabagh District in the province of Ghazni. My father was martyred in Dehmazang at the age of 74. My father has four sons and two daughters. My brothers and sisters are married and all live separately. My father always encouraged me to get an education and improve my life. He encouraged my sisters to have good relations with people. To perform the prayer, he would always go to the mosque. My father had five brothers, one of whom was killed during the wars. He spent his childhood in the village. Almost 50 years have passed since my parents got married. Their eldest child is 34-years-old. My best memory of my father is related was when I managed to pass the university entrance exam. When I told him about it, he had tears in his eyes, hugged me, and was very happy. He had many dreams for his children and always said he wanted all of us to succeed. He even encouraged his daughters to get an education and said they should go to school, get good grades in university, and achieve their dreams. We moved to Kabul in 2009, following which he never returned to Ghazni. My father was a social and good-natured person who was very fond of his children and grandchildren.

My father and brothers, Najib and Zabihullah, worked for ten years in Iran. He had a cow, and he would always look after it. Later, he sold the cow and bought a cart to work as a vendor. Sometimes he would do construction work. He had become interested in the activities of the Enlightenment Movement and frequently attended their meetings. He believed that our people should stand up for justice and raise the voice of the oppressed.

On July 23rd, he left home at 9 am. I also went to Kot-e-Sangi. I did not know my father, too, would be taking part in the demonstration. When I got there, I felt that the security situation was not good, so I returned home. The university exams were coming up, so I was studying at home. The night before the incident, Negah TV announced that the next day’s demonstration had been cancelled. However, when my father heard from the Movement's announcement that the demonstration would happen anyway, he went to Dehmazang the next day.

At 2:30 pm, when I turned on the TV, news of the explosion in Dehmazang was being broadcast on the 1TV network. My mother was distraught. She came to me and wanted me to call my father immediately. She explained that he had gone to Dehmazang. When my father left the house in the morning, no one stopped him; he was participating in the demonstration of his own free will. I called his number, but he didn't answer. I called him again, and somebody else picked up his phone and said: “I am a doctor, the owner of the phone is seriously injured, come to Ibn-e Sina Hospital.” I didn't know what I was doing. I took a taxi and immediately went to Esteqlal Hospital. I called my father's number and said I had arrived at the hospital. The doctor again told me that I should come to Ibn-e Sina Hospital. The road was closed, and the police would not allow anyone to pass. With difficulty, I made it to the hospital. I searched everywhere, but I could not find my father. A doctor called me and told me to follow him. I was in a terrible mental state and told myself my father must be injured. The doctor would take me to him. Then I realized that he was taking me to the morgue. When I got there, there were other martyrs too. The third body was my father’s. My world fell apart. I broke down and felt lost and I didn't know what to do. It was a difficult moment.

My father was transferred to the Emergency Hospital. The next day, we brought his body home. After bathing him, we buried him in the cemetery of Nawabad in Deh Qabil.

I am not asking for anything from this government because this is the same government that killed our people. I am requesting human rights institutions not to let the blood of our martyrs be wasted in vain, since they gave their lives for justice. Our loved ones did not take part in the demonstration for electricity, but because the government discriminates against some of the people of Afghanistan. We must follow in their footsteps and not let their voices be silenced.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

He Laughed and Jokingly Said: “I Hope There Won’t Be a Suicide Attack Today.”

Narrator: Habibullah (brother)

Victim: Mohammad Sadiq Haidari

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

Mohammad Sadiq was born in 1986 in the village of Daba, in the district of Yakavalang in Bamiyan Province. As a child, he was taught the Holy Quran by the Mullah in the village mosque; it was in the mosque that he learned to read and write. In 1995, he enrolled in the Deh Sorkh High School in Yakavalang District. He worked hard to become a successful student. Until Grade 9, he was top of his class. He graduated from school in 1997, and was fifth in his class. In 1999, after passing the national university entrance exam, he was accepted into Mining Geology at the Polytechnic University and completed his five-year study program. After graduating from university in 2013, he founded the Bamiyan Youth Cultural Association. He conducted literacy classes in most districts of Bamiyan, including Yakavalang and Varas.

Mohammad Sadiq was mobilized by the issue of the TUTAP project [this was a multimillion-dollar power project backed by the Asian Development Bank and World Bank to make electricity accessible to more people in Afghanistan]. People standing up for their rights motivated Mohammad Sadiq. He actively participated in programs of the Enlightenment Movement. He believed that the oppressed people of Bamiyan should were entitled to their rights, because people of the central provinces lived in poverty and darkness. Sadiq had a good relationship with people and was a socially-minded individual.

No matter how much I tell you about his good qualities, it cannot be enough. My brother was older than me and always encouraged me to study. I remember well that when I was younger, I used to wake up later than him because of the cold weather, and I was a bit lazy. He would pour water on me and make me go with him to gather grass and get used to waking up early. Because of Sadiq's continued encouragement, I graduated from school with top marks. Last year, I passed the university entrance exam, and with a high mark of 284, I was accepted into Mining Geology at the Polytechnic University. Since my first choice was medicine, I rejected that offer and plan to retake the university entrance exam [to get into Medicine].

I owe all my academic success to my brother Sadiq. I used to come to Kabul in the winter to prepare for the entrance exam and spent the winter in his room. After graduating from university, he worked for a year at the Central Statistics Office. For a while, he also worked with an NGO in Ghor Province. One of his wishes was for me to study in a good field and make him and my family proud. He was very interested in politics, so he studied Law and Political Science at Rabia Balkhi University, in addition to Geology. Unfortunately, we lost him in the July 23rd incident and he could not achieve his many dreams. He did a lot of work through the association to help youth. With assistance from Haji Mohaqeq’s party, he secured Iranian scholarships for students. He did this for almost two years. He got married this spring but had no children.

The night before the demonstration, when Khalili withdrew from the Enlightement Movement, Mohammad Sadiq cried because Khalili had abandoned his people at the last moment and made a deal with the government. People talked in the Musala, saying their leader motivated the youth and manipulated their emotions by withdrawing from the Movement. After the incident, people said that Khalili had probably compromised with the government and that the killing happened because of Khalili, Mohaqeq, and Danesh’s deal. Even on the day of the funeral of the dead, Khalili and Mohaqeq did not take part in the ceremony. Instead, they sent their representatives to the Musala. Because of people’s anger and resentment, those representatives were beaten and kicked out of the place. The poor, helpless local people were outraged. After the incident, they commented that they had not been fully aware of the TUTAP issue. Their leaders had manipulated them to mobilize, and in the end had turned their backs on their own people for self-interest. They don’t deserve the people’s respect or support.

It is a bitter and undeniable fact that because of the government's incompetence, people of the central regions do not have access to electricity and spend their evenings lit by simple oil lamps. Our youth got tired of injustice and discrimination and that's why they participated in this advocacy movement, which unfortunately ended in the death of so many of our educated and hardworking youth. I participated in the first demonstration, but Mohammad Sadiq said that the possibility of an incident was very high this time. In the morning, when he was leaving the house, he returned from the front yard and kissed the Holy Quran. Before going out, he laughed and jokingly said, “I hope there won’t be a suicide attack today.” He was joking with his mother-in-law. After leaving the house, he returned home and I noticed his nose was bleeding. He washed his face. Before he went out again, I went to him and said that I also wanted to participate in the demonstration. He said no and that I should stay home. He was very interested in civic activities and serving the people.

When the Movement was launched, he worked on the procurement committee of the Movement. Sadiq's friends later recounted that they didn't have water on the day of the incident, and Sadiq had a bottle of water. He gave it to them and went to look for water. That was when the explosion happened, and Sadiq got injured. His wounds were not serious, but he died due to lack of medical attention and severe bleeding as they could not get him to the hospital. When I came home from the educational centre, the electricity was out and I hadn’t heard about the explosion. My brother-in-law is a mining engineer in Dara Suf, Samangan Province. He called and asked if someone from our family had been at the demonstration. I said Sadiq was there. I felt the worry in his voice. He said there had been an explosion in Dehmazang. He was monitoring that day's demonstration via Facebook, through which he was informed of the attack.

I went out of the house immediately and when I got close to the main road, I saw ambulances. I went to Naser Khosrow and Watan hospitals where some of the wounded were being transferred. My brother's name was not among the list of those injured. I called my cousin, and he said, “I am going to the Esteqlal and Emergency Hospitals. Maybe I will find Sadiq there.” He thought he had seen him among the wounded, but was not sure if he had recognized Sadiq. When I went to the Esteqlal Hospital, I recognized him at once. His rosary was on his chest. I spent many years with my brother, and I recognized him from his clothes and his rosary. As soon as I saw his body, I could not move. It was unbearable to see his condition.

Some representatives of the Movement said that they wanted to bury the martyrs on a hilltop, but my family and some other families from Bamiyan Province took their dead to their own home district and buried them there. Sadiq was the family's breadwinner and carried most of the family responsibilities. Our financial situation is not too bad. My father is a shopkeeper, and he provides for our household needs. My brother Sadiq used to pay for my study expenses because he wanted me to study medicine. I gave up studying Mining Geology at his suggestion and started preparing to retake the university entrance exam to achieve his and my wish. But when he was martyred, he left me alone with my dreams. When I passed the mock entrance exam, I got a good grade. So as a young elite, they gave me a full scholarship. I only need to pay for my books, notebooks, and stationery.

After the incident, no one from the government visited our home to express sympathy. Only people from the Enlightenment Movement came, which helped relieve our pain and suffering a little. One of my dreams is to study Medicine and fulfill the wish of my brother, martyr Sadiq, because this is the only thing I can do to follow his pathway for the sake of justice.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

That Afternoon, They Brought His Body Home

Narrator: Gholam Abbas (uncle-in-law)

Victim: Ali Ahmad Hamdard

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

Martyr Ali Ahmad was a decent and well-mannered boy. He attended school up to 8th grade. Afterward, he served in the National Army for almost 12 years. He moved from Bamyan to Kabul nearly 13 years ago. He was from Bamyan province, Takht Varas region, and was nearly 23-years-old. He was a faithful boy and was martyred in the Dehmazang incident. A year had passed since his marriage, but he had no children. The living conditions of his wife are not good, but she has honored their ties and is still living in Kabul.

He has a brother who is in Iran. Everyone is busy with their own lives, and that's why his wife is living a difficult life with a salary of 5 thousand Afghanis and a rented house. However, because of the her husband’s kind treatment of her, she continues to endure all the problems on her own. We have lovely memories of the martyr. He kept everyone happy and satisfied by treating them well. He never spoke loudly or frowned at anyone. Even on the day of the demonstration, he left the house smiling and joking. But later that same day, in the afternoon, they brought his body home.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

The Martyrdom of Abdul Rahim Was a Horrible and Ominous Occurrence

Narrator: Mohammad Ali Alizada (brother)

Victim: Abdul Rahim Alizada

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

I have three brothers. Unfortunately, we have lost Abdul Rahim and now I have two brothers. I am the eldest son of the family and the Martyr was our youngest brother. He attended school up to sixth grade in the Varas District, in the Province of Bamiyan. Back then, when we lived in Varas, the local school was not of a good standard as it lacked teachers. The martyr, Abdul Rahim, attended both modern and religious schools. His teachers were very happy with him because he was a good student in all areas. He would always get top grades at school. His hard work inspired our move to Kabul. Another reason for our move was that we did not own any agricultural land in the village and our financial situation was not very good. In Kabul, we rented a house in Chindawol, near the Ashiqan Arefan Mountain. Abdul Rahim attended the Ashiqan Arefan High School up to 8th grade. Later, he was transferred to the Abdul Rahim Shahid High School where he studied up to 12th grade. With the small amount of money we had saved through years of labor, we bought three Biswas of land (a traditional measure of land) in Dasht Barchi. Following his graduation from high school, he took the public university entrance exam and was admitted to the Law Department of Bamiyan University.

In Bamiyan, we lived together. He used to attend classes, but he was not satisfied with the classes or the teachers. One day, he told me that he wanted to return to Kabul to get a good quality education. In addition, he was worried about our parents. He was very fond of my parents and they, too, loved him very much because he always prayed on time. It may be hard to believe, but he was a young man who could complete the recitation of the Holy Quran within a week. When I discussed the matter with my parents, they agreed that we should return to Kabul.

My other brothers do not live with us; we live separately. One of my brothers has a good financial situation, and when he noticed that Abdul Rahim had talent, he enrolled him in Goharshad University, where that brother had studied Economics for four years. The martyr and I lived with my parents. Some nights, when I went out of my room, I noticed the light in Abdul Rahim's room was still turned on. When I would go to him, I could see him sitting with a blanket on his feet, reading a book. Some nights, he continued reading up until 1 or 2 am because he was very interested in education and reading. That's why we all made sure he had access to everything he needed so he could get on with his studies in peace. We all love and respect our parents, but the Martyr was very different from us. He would talk to them, listen to them, and had a very close relationship with them both.

He was a sociable and good-natured person who was loved by all his friends and acquaintances. After he completed his work and his studies, he would come to our room at night with a book in his hand. I have three children and he would help them with their school assignments, read books to them, and check their homework. He always advised them to study so they could have a better future. I have just a little education. I can only read and write. That's why he would use me as an example for them. My children attend both private and public schools. He always took time for each of them and asked them about their lessons. On the street where we live, he encouraged all the neighboring children to pursue their education.

During Nowruz this year, we suggested to him that he should get married and start a family. He refused and said, “I need to stand on my own two feet first, improve my financial situation, and find a good job. Only then could I think about choosing a wife. Furthermore, our parents have aged and need more care. I can't take care of them properly, let alone get a wife.” But our father insisted, saying, “I have lived for 93 years. I have lived my life and I wish to see you build a family and become the owner of your life. I owe you this and I want to get it off my shoulders. I have enough money to help you start a family and it would put my mind at ease.” He accepted my father’s wish and got engaged. He got married on the 15th of Sha’ban (22 May 2016). After his wedding, he tried hard to find a good job but did not find anything suitable. In the Tabassum Movement [the grassroots movement created after the execution of 9-year-old Shukria and 6 other Hazara in November 2015], he was the first person to encourage our people to come together. He said that it was our inalienable right to advocate for our innocent travelers. He started working, running a shop to provide for his family. He used to work in the shop until 9:00 PM and would come home late. After he was killed, when anyone knocks at our door at 9 o'clock in the evening, we automatically think he has come home.

Before the demonstration, Abdul Rahim had called his father in-law's house and said, "Your daughter has not visited your home since her marriage. I got a job and I'm going to Baghlan. If you are available today, come and collect your daughter." He was just kidding. His father in-law said, “Why didn't you tell me earlier, it is 12 o'clock at night, and it is not possible for me to come for my daughter today.” My brother insisted that they should come on that same night because he and his friends were planning to go to Baghlan for work the next day.

My wife recounted how he had performed ablution, prayed, read some verses of the Holy Quran, and had taken a piece of paper and written: “If I get martyred in tomorrow's demonstration, bury me on Haji Nabi Hill.” He had taken a photo of himself out of an album and had said, “print this photo on my tombstone.” He even pointed out that “Haji Hossain will not do this. When Muhammad Ali returns from Iran, give him my photo and tell him to engrave the photo on my tombstone.” He specifically asked my wife “not to tell my parents anything about this and ask my wife to live with my parents for a while and if I get a share of my father's inheritance, to give some to my wife.” My wife then got angry with him, and told him, “Have you gone crazy?” She even tore up the photo he had given her. Abdul Rahim Alizada got upset then, and said, “I am sure that, God willing, I will be martyred tomorrow.” My wife was angry and told him that instead of saying such nonsense, he should have been with his wife that night. She asked him to stop talking about such things. Abdul Rahim even told my son, “I am not crazy. Your mother is crazy; I gave her my photo to be engraved on my tombstone, and she tears up the photo. If your father calls, tell him ‘My uncle asks us to bury him in Haj Nabi Town and put his photo on his tombstone.’” My wife begged him not to join the demonstration.

I called him to tell him that there had been a failed coup in Turkiye some time ago. I told him the situation was not good, and that God forbid an incident might happen. On the day of the demonstration, Abdul Rahim left the house, pretending he was going to work at the shop. He told my father, “I am going to see my mother and nephew in the shop.” Once he was there, he asked my mother to go home and have her breakfast. When my mother was about to go home, he bade her farewell and held her hand, and told her, “Forgive my sin, my dear mother.” When my mother saw the tears in his eyes, she got angry and told him, "What is happening to you today, I won't forgive you. Go and drink tea and don't talk nonsense." When my mother moved away from him, he asked her again to forgive him. My mother said her heart was shaken. He went to my mother and she hugged him and kissed his face and said she forgave him and pardoned him as a mother. He then told my mother, “Now that you have forgiven me, I feel lighter.” Then, he and his friends went to join the demonstration.

Back then, I was in Iran. I was following the protests through Facebook. I called him at 9 am, and he answered my call. There was so much noise in the background, with people chanting slogans for justice. We were not able to talk for long, and he said, “I will call you later. I can't talk now.” We hung up the phone. I called him at 12:45 pm. He said that the weather was hot and they wanted to set up a tent. He said he was holding a tent pole in one hand and a phone in the other hand. He said his mobile phone battery was low and could be dead anytime. He said that if the demonstration continued, they would set up a tent. Otherwise, they would go home. I was working as a guard in Iran and I usually rested for a few hours during the day so that I would be fresh for the night. Just before I wanted to rest, my uncle called me and said that there had been an explosion in Kabul. I hurriedly turned on the TV, but the antenna was not working. In that moment, I sensed that I would never see Abdul Rahim alive again. I felt so helpless; I was running around speechless.

I had put my phone on charge in the room, and I was searching for it. My [maternal] cousin, who was working with me, noticed my bewilderment and asked, "What are you looking for?" I told him that I was looking for my phone as I wanted to make a call to Kabul. He told me that my phone was charging in the room. I had lost the ability to walk. I told him to bring it to me quickly. He brought my phone and I called both Abdul Rahim’s phone numbers but he didn't answer. I called my other brother but he didn't answer either. I called home but no one answered. I asked my cousin to call a travel agency and get a ticket for me. “I am going to Afghanistan tomorrow,” I said. When he saw my nervousness, he asked what had happened. He said, “You have only been here a month, why do you want to go back already?” But when he saw my distress, he called the travel agency to send me a ticket via their employee.

I was getting dressed when my [paternal] cousin called me. I was so distressed as I talked to him, he asked me what had happened. I told him there had been an explosion in Afghanistan. He said that explosions and suicides attacks were a daily occurrence in Kabul and Afghanistan. With difficulty, I managed to explain to him that there had been an explosion close to where the demonstrators were. When he heard that, he said, “I will be there in five minutes.” The employee of the travel agency brought me the ticket. My cousin arrived, took me to the terminal, and I travelled to Afghanistan.

When I reached my brother Hossain by phone, he explained that Abdul Rahim had been injured and was in the hospital. I opened my Facebook app, and noticed that one of my brother's classmates from Sarab (Ghazni), had posted a note on his Facebook page: “Abdul Rahim, one of my university classmates is injured and needs blood.” My eyes were full of tears. I could not see the mobile screen properly. My cousin took the phone off me, and when I got the phone back from him, I could no longer find that page. I asked him what he had done with that post. He said that the post itself had disappeared; he did not do anything.

I called my son. When he answered the phone, I could hear crying in the background and I knew then that Abdul Rahim was dead/martyred. After that, I don't remember how they took me to the terminal. Everything was incomprehensible to me. After some time, my cousin told me to get out of the car. When I regained my senses, I found myself in front of my brother's house. I went inside and saw a lot of shoes behind the door. I passed out then, and when I regained consciousness, I found myself in my uncle's arms. He was crying and comforting us at the same time.

The martyrdom of Abdul Rahim was a horrible and ominous occurrence for all of us because he was very dear to the whole family. My parents still cry so much when they remember him and I cannot console them. Some time ago, when I was reciting the Holy Qur'an, I found a hand-written piece of paper. I can’t read and I saw there were a few signatures on the paper. I called my son and told him, “Take this piece of paper to your uncle, Abdul Rahim, to read it. I don't know what is written on it.” My son cried out, telling me, “Dad, my uncle, Abdul Rahim, was killed and is no longer alive.” Our family will forever be in pain for losing Abdul Rahim. This pain will never leave our hearts.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

My Heart Is Bleeding

Narrator: Mohammad Hasan Qasimi (father)

Victim: Jawad Qasimi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

In the name of God

My son's name is Jawad Qasemi. He attended the Asif Mayel school in Nazer Qala up to the fourth grade. My son the martyr served in the sixth police district for 6 years. He did not serve for robbery and looting, but for the safety of his countrymen. He and his commander and sixty of his colleagues were assigned to maintain security during the demonstration, but then the explosion happened. The soldier who stood next to my son told me the story: “Our commander was hit by shrapnel, then Jawad fell to the ground and was martyred a moment later.” Thus, he left me, his mother, and his wife all alone. It had been only three months since the wedding and his wife was pregnant.

He had asked us to choose a girl for him from among our relatives - we are from Daikundi. At his request, we chose a girl for him from there. After my son's martyrdom, I am careful to be considerate of his wife so she does not get upset and unhappy around us. Now we are awaiting his child’s birth, so that we can raise him into a good person. He will be the symbol of my martyred son.

I have faced many difficulties in my life. I would like to thank those who organized this workshop. Here we can open our hearts and get a little bit of relief from the pain. It is not only my son who was martyred in this incident; many young people sacrificed their precious lives in this way. After Jawad's martyrdom, many problems have arisen for me. Due to the sadness of missing him, I start shouting in the front yard at night and talking to myself. When I miss my son too much, I call him but I don't hear an answer, and this adds to my grief. A while before the demonstration, he came to me to get a haircut. When I was cutting his hair, my hands were shaking, that's why I told him, “I'm old now and I don't have the strength I used to have, what will I do if you're not there?” Javad replied, “I will take care of you as long as I am alive.”

His wife had gone to the countryside to visit her family. A week in her trip, the Dehmazang incident happened. I asked her to come back home because an incident had happened to my son. She came back to Kabul with her father. A week later, my daughter-in-law’s father returned to his home. His wife is currently living with us. May God never bring an incident like this to any other family. Ashraf Ghani is our president, but he is not competent. He has sold himself and his people to America.

When the incident happened, Jawad was transferred to the Qala-e Nazer Mosque. I went to the mosque, and asked Mohseni, the mosque Imam, if they had taken my son's body there. When I saw Jawad's dead body, I screamed and cursed Ashraf Ghani, Abdullah, Mohaqeq, Khalili, and Sarvar Danesh. I cried and said, “People's children are martyred, you are inconsiderate. Why did you not ensure the security of our people? Why did you leave our people alone? Aren't you the government? Is it not your duty to ensure the security of the country and its people? You are puppets and have committed great treason against your people.” We must unite; Pashtuns, Hazaras, Tajiks, and Uzbeks must unite and not allow the enemy to divide us. If our government is corrupt, we should not allow anyone to encroach on our land. We must protect our country, which is like our honor. We must be vigilant.

See what Mohaqeq and Khalili did to their people? They spilled the blood of our young people and abandoned us. If you are currently in power, it is only because of the people's support. Sarvar Danesh was our neighbor in Daikundi and Jawad had served him, but what did he do to my young boy? I have lost my senses. I hope my story and sharing my grief does not upset you. My heart is bleeding. I lost my young boy; his wife is pregnant and she has lost hope. She is enduring hardships because of us and because of losing her husband. After Jawad's martyrdom, the government told me to bring his documents from Daikundi. On the way there, a conflict was going on between two villains named Musa and supporters of Sheikh Anwar, and yet the government did not intervene. There is no proper government in Daikundi and there, everyone is his own master. In such conditions, poor and powerless people are being abused. Thank you again for tolerating my rambling speech.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

He Was Hit by Three Bullets

Narrator: Qasim (friend)

Victim: M. Hussain Mohammadi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

In the name of God

I am a friend of martyred Mohammad Hussain Mohammadi. He was from Ghazni province, Qarabagh district, from the village of Zardsang, known as the Faiz Mohammad Kateb village. He was born there, lived there, and was taught in a religious school until he went to school.

When he enrolled in a public school, his family moved to the city of Ghazni. He completed his schooling at the Ghazni High School. When he graduated from 12th grade, he traveled to Iran, where he worked as a tailor. He lived there as a migrant worker for several years before returning to Kabul. He started a series of other activities in Kabul. He and his brother rented a building near the neighbourhood of Kote Sangi in Kabul and started working there. After a while, they got a cosmetic shop in Zadran Market and started working there. Sometime later, he resumed his studies and enrolled in journalism at Ibn-e Sina University. Besides studying and working with his brother, he also worked at Fars News. Six months later, he took a position at the Population Registration Department and also worked for them in Herat. He was a pious, friendly, and compassionate person. He never upset anyone; he always treated people well. When he moved to Herat, he promised me that he would help me find a good job after I graduated from university. He was caring and ready to help his friends and support young people. After a while, he called me and said that a suitable vacancy was advertised in Herat, and it was fit for me. When I arrived in Herat, I called him as soon as I got close to the terminal. He and his colleague came immediately and took me to their office. I worked there for some time. During that period, he paid for all my expenses.

When he finished his work in Herat and returned to Kabul, we were in touch once or twice a week. He believed that youth should play a role in politics; that is why he participated in the demonstration on the 23rd of July, despite having his final exam that day.

That fateful day, his brother received a call saying that Hussain had participated in the rally. They didn't know about what had happened to him, but there had been an explosion in Dehmazang. When we called Hussain, his number was not in service. We called him again, and someone else picked up the phone and said the phone's owner was injured and was in the Maula Ali hospital.

I sent one of his brothers home and told him that if they asked him about Hussain, no one should reveal anything before an update was available. I went to the hospital with his other brother, but Hussain was not there, and his brother said to go look in Barchi hospital. We went to Barchi hospital but his name was not listed there either. I called his brother again, but he didn't answer the phone. A few moments later, his brother-in-law answered the call and said Hussain was in the hospital. They had found him. When I reached the hospital and saw his brother crying, and I thought Hussain must be badly wounded, but as I got closer, I saw Mohammad Hussain's coffin beside the wall. I felt terrible when I realized that I would never see Mohammad Hussain alive again.

Three bullets had hit him, and one of his hands was broken by the gunshot. It was a difficult moment. We informed the elders of the martyr's family, and after half an hour, we moved the martyr's body to Barchi and then departed for Ghazni, where we buried him the next day. Mohammad Hussain Mohammadi always said he would like to be martyred; he wanted martyrdom. On the day of the incident, he had put on his new shirt, and before leaving the house, he had said to his wife, "I am leaving the house today, but you must remember to take care of my children and yourself." He has a four-year-old son and a one-and-a-half-year-old daughter. When he was martyred, he was nearly 30 years old. He was a kind and friendly person who always encouraged us to study and was an avid reader. I have good memories of him; all his friends and colleagues loved him dearly.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

My Father Became Interested in The Movement

Narrator: Qurban Ali (son)

Victim: Mohammad Juma Karbalaie

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

My father, Mohammad Juma Karbalaie Mohammadi was born in 1957 in the village of Takhoi, in the Miramour District in Daikundi. At the age of 15 or 16, he migrated from Daikundi to Iran to escape poverty. My grandfather told me stories about the past. He recounted, “One night, I sent your father to a relative's house to do something, but he did not come back home that night. We searched everywhere, but there was no trace of him that night and the night after that. Then, I found out that your father had gone to Iran for work.” After my father returned from Iran, he explained how it had happened: “On a night, at the age of 16, I was sent to a relative's house to do something. From there, I got onto a truck with my friends and went to Ghazni; from there, a smuggler took us to Iran where we settled in Semnan.“ After some time, my grandfather had to travel to Iran with the rest of his family. There, my grandfather chose the daughter of one of his relatives as a wife for my father, which my father did not know about at the time.

My mother was his wife. Whenever my father talked about his happiest memories, he would recount this memory and I would listen to these stories with great enthusiasm. This is how it happened. One one day, my mother ran into my father and they both talked warmly because they knew each other and were related. During their conversation, my grandfather told my father, “This girl you are talking to is your fiancee and future wife.” My father used to tell me that he felt very shy when he heard that and that my mother’s face blushed. This meeting turned into a sweet memory. In Iran, my father first worked as a municipal employee. Later, he started working in building construction until he gradually gained credibility among people and became a skilled contractor.

My two sisters and I were born in Iran. We have both good and bad memories of living in that country. One of our worst memories of living in Iran was when my father fell from a building. It was a very serious accident and he was in a coma for a month. We prayed, cried, and lamented day and night. At that time, I was very young and I remember that every hospital we took my father to gave us a negative answer, and the doctors gave up hope of my father ever recovering. Three months after my father's injury, we got him dismissed from Imam Khomeini Hospital and took him to a relative’s house. That relative was a traditional bonesetter. When he checked my father’s head, he realised his head was injured, and told my grandfather that he would bind his son’s head. My father's condition had been very bad, but in a few days, his condition improved and God gifted my father to us once again. At that time, many of our relatives lived in Iran, and it was common that families visited Karbala. They all decided to wait until my father had recovered. After his recovery, my father was able to take us to Karbala.

I don't remember exactly, but I think it was in 2003 or 2004 when we returned to Afghanistan. I did not know anything about this place, none of our relatives and friends were there. We rented a house in the Kampany area and rented a grocery store which provided for the family's living expenses. My father worked as a supervisor in a company. Their job was to install telephone antennas in the central provinces. My father was a man of tact and foresight and he used to say that I should get a permanent job so that I don't have to worry about tomorrow. In 2010, when my sister graduated from the engineering faculty, they jointly established a construction company and were very successful in this venture. They worked with the Americans in Kandahar Province. They also had representatives in Herat and Balkh provinces. As his only son, we were very close and we always consulted each other on work issues. Then the issue of Tutap came up, when the Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program was rerouted to avoid the Bamiyan region and went through the Sailing Pass, which was seen as a discrimination against the Hazara people. My father participated in meetings of the Enlightenment Movement with great interest. He closely followed every issue related to the Movement as he sought justice for our oppressed people.

We both participated in the first demonstration of the Movement. When it was announced that there would be a demonstration on the 23rd of July, my father and I, along with a guest, were waiting for the 10:30 pm news hour on Negah TV channel. It was finally announced that the demonstration had been canceled. I was very busy in the office that day. I do clearly remember that my father went to a barber shop the night before the demonstration to get a haircut. The next morning, he woke me up early. He was wearing white clothes. I went to his office in Mosala, but I had butterflies in my stomach. That was why I would call his phone regularly and check how he was doing. At 7:30 in the morning, I called again and my father said, “There are very few participants at the demonstration. I will go back home to have breakfast, and then come back.” At 8:30, I left home and went to Mosala where I saw my father. I was keen to participate in the rally but since I had a huge workload, I could not. When he reached Dehmazang, I called him again and asked how he was. He said he was fine and I had to get him a tent, some water, and something to eat. I got a tent for him and took it to Dehmazang. He was near the hotel and was hungry. I asked him if he would like to have a kebab. He said that there were many people and it would be better to simply get him some biscuits. I bought water and biscuits for three people, gave it to them and went back to the office.

I did not hear the explosion. I was checking my phone when I saw that some of my friends had posted the news of an explosion in Dehmazang. I hurriedly called my father's number, but he didn't answer. I called one of my relatives and said there had been an explosion in Dehmazang. I said that my father was there, but he was not answering his phone. My relative said he would gather information. A few minutes later, he called and told me that my father was injured and that I had to get to Dehmazang quickly. I anxiously walked out of the office towards Dehmazang. All the roads were closed, and when I got there, I could not find my father. I called my relative again and he said they were in the Aliabad hospital and I had to go there. When I arrived at the hospital, I saw my father. A doctor was attending to him. My father was breathing through an oxygen mask. I was crying, and when the doctor noticed my distress, he said, “come and help me instead of crying.” I put my father on the bed with the help of the doctor, but the doctor's efforts were useless as my father was in a critical condition. He died a few minutes later. The hardest moment was when we took my father's body out of the hospital. We buried my father that night.

Injustice and ethnic prejudice were some of the reasons that pushed my father to get involved in the Enlightenment Movement. My father would always read books about discrimination and the monopoly of power and we enjoyed discussing these issues. I have so many memories of us. We would always try to go on business and family trips together, and more than being like father and son, we were like two companions or friends. We understood that our people’s problem is not only a lack of electricity, but discrimination against the minorities of this country and the concentration of political power. What our people demand is their inalienable right and an end to bullying. This is the starting point for a culture of equality. In this attack, we lost our loved ones, but we consider this struggle a starting point for mobilizing our people and our youth, and not a question of failure or despair.

My request to the government is that the power lines should pass through the route originally planned, because innocent people have died trying to defend their legal rights. As the son of a martyr who sacrificed his life for his people, I want us all to advocate, and in this way keep the names of the martyrs alive. As the son of a martyr, I face many difficulties. After the incident, I got into trouble with the bank. I went to the bank to get money, and they told me I should have an heirship affidavit to be able to withdraw any money from the bank. I could otherwise not withdraw money from my father's account.

The government and its bureaucracy gave us a hard time. I went to court, where they told me that I had to submit a letter to show whether the name of the martyr was registered with the relevant authority. I went to the office of the second vice president, got the list of martyrs that were registered there, and took it to them, but they refused to accept the list. Once again, I was sent back to the hospital to get a letter confirming my father's death.

Tell me, how can we trust the government and courts in this country, when they send us from one office to another for a signature and stamp, and still there is no result? When I completed all these steps, they told me I should go to the Martyrs and Disabled Department of Daikundi so that they could confirm that my father originated in that province, and so this could be registered officially. It takes time, and for me it is difficult to have time off work. Why did I have to travel this long and painful route, when it would have been possible simply to confirm my father's death in Kabul? Political leaders abused the trust of our people and abandoned us all to our fate. They are the accomplices of the massacre of our people. We will never forgive these crimes. My government and my leaders are all the traitors and murderers, of my father and of many other innocent people.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

Because of The Explosion, He Was Hit to The Curb

Narrator: Mohamad Naeem (brother)

Victim: Shah Wali Sharifi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

The Martyr was older than me. His job was welding, a trade he had learned in Iran. I don't remember anything about his childhood because he was older than me. During the reign of Dr. Najib, he used to work as a hawker in Halabi-Sazi alley. My late father had a bakery in Deh Naw, and my father had bought a vendor cart for my elder brother and Shah Wali, and they used to sell bread. The two of them studied up to 8th grade. The government at that time provided oil to the bakeries. When oil was no longer available, my father would go to Qourigh Mountains during his free time to collect bushes as fuel. One day, as he was in the mountains to collect bushes, he was martyred by a landmine. Back then, I was very young and I don't remember anything. Following that incident, none of my brothers could continue going to school. We were eight family members, and after my father's martyrdom, the expenses of the family fell on my elder brother’s shoulders. During the civil wars, our vendor cart caught fire and our life was ruined.

To provide for the family expenses, they used to dig flume which earned them 30,000 Afghanis in old currency. They sometimes sold beetroot and sometimes sold junk items until the Taliban entered Kabul. The situation was very bad, and that's why martyr Shah Wali then left for Iran, where he worked for three years. He was unemployed for a while until the Taliban government collapsed. Then he got a job at the American Embassy, where he received 18 hundred Pakistani Rupees a day. He worked there for almost 18 days. Back then, we had a shop in Goulai Dawa-Khana. Through work and struggle, our life gradually improved and he got married. He got a construction contract; he was very skilled in welding. Since he had seen tough times and poverty, he behaved well with the workers who worked for him and they all loved him.

When my father was martyred, Shah Wali was 16, or maybe 18-years-old. He saved some money by working in building construction. He used to buy land in District 13, build a house on the land, and sell it. His work did not go very well the past year and he became unemployed. He gave me some money he had saved and told me to go to Europe. I stayed in Austria for 10 months, but he kept calling me to come back. He said the economic situation of the family was not good and he could not provide for household expenses alone. I returned to Afghanistan eight days before Ramadan; he was very happy. When he saw me, he said, "Now that you are by my side, I have peace of mind." I told him, “you insisted on me going to Europe. I do not regret coming back, because you worked hard for all of us”. Before the incident and when he saw people’s enthusiasm, he encouraged me to participate in the 23rd July demonstration.

In our neighborhood, there was a real estate agency. He used to go there and encourage people to participate in the demonstration. He even argued with someone the day before the demonstration because the other party had told him that participating in the demonstration was useless and that something bad could happen. My brother told this man, “How longer should we stay silent? We must not remain silent when people do things against us. We should raise our voices.” His wife says, “On the day of the demonstration, he woke up early in the morning, took a bath, and asked me for his white clothes. I asked him whether he was going to a wedding wearing white clothes. I didn't give him the white clothes and even made a fuss and in the end, he didn't wear the white clothes. During the demonstration, we were together near Baba Mazari intersection. Near the flyover, they asked people through the loudspeaker to wait because some people had been left behind. After that announcement, he looked back and said to me, 'May God have mercy. This time, only the youth are here, few or no middle-aged or old people are here.' After that, we went separate ways."

It was very hot. I remained in Dehmazang until 12:30 but then moved closer to Cinema Barikot to sit in the shade. People were slowly dispersing. I came home at 1 o'clock. One of my brothers in-law had just come back from Austria and it had been a while since his mother had passed away. I called Shah Wali and said that it would be good if we went to our brother in-law’s house in the afternoon to offer Fatiha. He told me, "Right now, I am having lunch in an office near Dehmazang. Once the event is concluded, we will go there at 4 pm." I started going to my elder brother's house so we could go there together. At the same moment, my brother called me from Bamyan and said that there had been an explosion in Dehmzang. Before his call was disconnected, my elder brother called to say that Shah Wali was not picking up his phone. He called me a second time and said, “a criminal investigation officer answered his phone and said that Shah Wali was injured and they took him to Jumhuriyet Hospital by Kabul Ambulance.”

We immediately started moving; we drove up to Habibiya High School. One of my cousins said that they had taken Shah Wali to Ibn-e Sina Hospital, but he was not there. We walked to the Jumhuriyet Hospital. When we entered the building, looking through the building’s large windows, I saw Shah Wali on the hospital bed. He was not hit by shrapnel, but because of the explosion, he had been thrown to the curb. The moment we got to the hospital, they took him to the operating room. He was bleeding and needed blood. People were there for blood donation and gave him a bag of blood.

When I asked the doctor about his condition, he said, “Medically, he is not well. He needs a miracle and prayers, and there is nothing else we can do.” I called another doctor whom I knew and described Shah Wali's condition. He asked me if the wounded had vomited, and I said no. He said, “Thank God, don't worry, his condition will change.” As soon as I entered the room, I saw Shah Wali vomiting blood. I asked the doctor about it.

Although the doctor was not in a good condition and was worried, he said it was not a problem. Shah Wali's condition was still not good. At 4 am, I was sitting next to his bed in the hospital, and suddenly, I noticed that the monitor above his head started beeping and that the heart monitor graph turned off. That was when Shah Wali met martyrdom. He was 39-years-old at the time of his martyrdom. His eldest son is 13-years-old, and his other son is 1.5 years old. He also left behind a daughter.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

I Wish the Light Movement Turns into An Influential Force

Narrator: Mohamad Yaseen Dawlat Shahi (uncle)

Victim: Ahmad Sharif DawlatShahi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

On 23rd July, I was preparing to take part in the demonstration. We live upstairs and Ahmad Sharif and his family lived downstairs; we all lived together. When I went downstairs, Ahmad Sharif was also ready. He had bathed, recited the Holy Quran, and offered prayers. We sat together at the table. My wife had prepared some french fries and we both ate a small amount. His mother put the remaining amount inside the bread and placed it in a plastic bag. She told Ahmed Sharif to take it with him because we would need it later. I put it in my bag, and he brought five bottles of frozen water. He joked with his mother, "Mom, do you think we are going to the desert that you put five bottles of water in the refrigerator for us?"

His mother said, “It is ok, you are not alone; others, too, may need water and drinking water may not be available at that time, so it is good to take these water bottles with you.” So, we put the water bottles in our bag and left the house. We had walked only a few steps away from the house when Ahmad Sharif looked back at me and said: "Uncle! The situation is not so good today. Try to stay close to us and not go far away." What I remember well is that he was talking like he had received information from someone indicating that the situation would turn bad that day. He even talked about death. I told him okay, Ahmad, do not worry, I will not leave your group today. We both arrived near Mosala. People had already gathered there. We were separated because someone from the People's Council of the Enlightenment Movement was looking for a person to oversee the generator they had set up for the stage.

No one accepted the responsibility Mr. Qalandari offered them, because everyone wanted to be actively involved in the demonstration. No one wanted to be inactive. I really felt sorry for him, so I went to him and said I would like to be in charge of the generator. I was stationed on the Kamaz truck from the beginning to the culmination of the demonstration, and up to the time of the explosion. It was parked close to the Dyna truck. The Kamaz truck moved two minutes after the explosion. During the demonstration, he would come to me, sometimes to drink water. Ahmad Sharif came to me about 15 or 20 minutes before the explosion and said, "Uncle, give me water." He even joked with his close friends and said, “We brought water for ourselves and we will not give it to you.” He and his friends drank the water. The event organizers were also sitting on the truck. He went towards them and said, “You sit here, all sides have been abandoned and the police have left. People are entering from every direction, and it is not clear who is who. The ice cream cart has entered the crowd. It's better that you get up and start enforcing order. God forbid, someone may get inside and decide to do something.” It was the last time I saw him. It was prayer time and Mr. Behzad passed by the Kamaz truck. Music was playing from inside the vehicle. He wanted them to stop the music and call people to gather for prayer.

Because it was very hot, there was not enough mineral water for everybody, and that's why the group suggested bringing a water tanker. They insisted that Ahmad Sharif should go for the water tanker, but he refused it because he didn't want to leave the impassioned stage of justice. Finally, they called someone else to deliver a tanker of drinking water. The water was not yet delivered when the incident happened; he was distributing food and water. When the explosion happened, some people were inside the truck. When they heard the explosion, they wanted to jump out. I told them to wait for a few minutes. God forbid, but another explosion could happen when they jumped out. People waited for a minute or two while others fled the scene. When we got out of the vehicle, an injured person near the vehicle was in critical condition. He said to me, “Please help me, I am dying.” I told him, God forbid, you won't die. I went to him, took him under his arm, and moved him to a different location, and helped him lean on something. I told him to wait there and that I would go get an ambulance for him.

I was helping the wounded and had no idea about the fate and condition of Ahmad Sharif. I was sure he had pulled himself out of that situation. After some time, I thought it would be good to call him to see how he was doing. I kept calling him, but the network said it was busy. Since he didn't answer my call, I got suspicious. I got a call from home. They said, “there was an explosion in Dehmezang, where are you?” I told them that I was helping the wounded at the site of the explosion. They asked about Ahmad Sharif. I told them I tried calling him, but he did not pick up his phone. After a while, the wounded and martyrs were picked up from the road and transferred to different hospitals. We went to Esteqlal Hospital. When I got there, I called his number again. Someone answered the phone, and I realized that it was one of the administrators of the hospital. He asked me how I was related to him. I told him that I am his uncle. He asked me to go meet him. When I went to see the person, he informed me of Ahmad Sharif's martyrdom.

Ahmad Sharif was a member and co-founder of the Afghanistan Victims’ Families Organization. He had lost his father for earning freedom. During the former Soviet reign, he graduated from one of the police academies as the top performer. Under Hafizullah Amin’s reign, he was pulled out of his house with his hands and feet tied and then killed. At that time, Ahmad Sharif was in his mother's womb and his older brother was just two-years-old. He had never met his father. The same thing happened to Ahmad Sharif’s daughter; she never got to see her father. Ahmad Sharif's 40th day of martyrdom had passed when his daughter was born. She did not get to see her father. He was the head of Afghanistan's Young Elite Generation. He was a sociable and friendly person. He was my main source of motivation in civic activities. To be honest, he would force me to attend meetings and encourage me to work for justice and peace.

Ahmad Sharif had obtained a master's degree. He studied at Ibn-e Sina and Kateb universities. It was almost three months since he had been appointed as a specialist in the Literacy Department of the Ministry of Education. After his martyrdom, all his colleagues shed tears for him even though he had just been appointed. This is the life of our people. But we are all proud, and even his mother is proud and says she is happy that Ahmad was martyred in the way of justice, freedom, and righteousness. He has two daughters named Setayesh and Parastesh. One of his friends showed me their private conversation in which Ahmad Sharif had told him, “I wish the Enlightenment Movement turns into an influential force in our society. Then, I won’t regret it if I am martyred or killed.”

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

Shrapnel Was Lodged Deep in his Head

Narrator: Fatema Gholami (spouse)

Victim: Naeem Gholami

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

My name is Fatema Gholami, the wife of the martyr Gholami. He was 35 years old in 2016. In 2007, I graduated high school in Panjab District of Bamyan Province. In 2012, I married Gholami. My husband was 35 years old when he was killed.

When Naeem [Gholami] returned to his hometown from Iran, he started working with a civil construction company. In 2012, we were married in Panjab District and later we moved to Kabul. Two months before our wedding, Gholami rented a house with three bedrooms.

Gholami had studied engineering and worked in Iran as a civil engineer. Shortly after our marriage, he got a civil engineering job in the Aga Khan’s office and moved to Sare-Pol. However, not long after starting this position, two motorcycle riders took him out of a minivan while on his way from a project site to his residence. Armed men kidnaped him. They asked us for one hundred thousand US dollars. The Aga Khan’s office contributed fifty-thousand dollars, and we arranged the other half [of the ransom money], and Gholami was released.

That first morning, he purchased many things for breakfast for our kids. I prepared breakfast. His son and daughter were sitting on his lap, and Gholami was putting a bite of everything he ate in their mouth. After breakfast, he ironed his clothes and took a shower. After bathing and dressing, he stood in front of the full-length mirror in our room and oiled his hair, combed it, and used perfume. He got ready, kissed his children, said goodbye to us, and left the house.

I was not able to organize the clothing or the house that day. I don’t know why but I was in a strange mood from morning to night. When after lunch my children fell asleep, I thought I might watch TV, but then I said no. I was bored, and the kids were sleeping. It was 1:30pm, when my children woke up. I turned on the TV, and news of the demonstration and suicide attack in Dehmazang was everywhere. I kept calling Gholami, but his cell phone was off. I had to call my brother and tell him that Gholami’s phone was switched off. He said, “No worries, there may be a problem [with his phone].” I then remembered that his phone was not charged. I waited a long time and tried to call everyone I could think of, but got no more information. Then night came. I went to buy bread and ran towards the mosque. I prayed in the mosque for my beloved husband to be found.

My children were left unattended at home. One of my brothers came home to stay with them, and I went again to the mosque. My other brothers were searching for Gholami from one o’clock to the next day. They had searched through all the hospitals. My family in Bamiyan kept calling to check whether my husband had been found. My brother said, “I will look in the 400-bed hospital.” As soon as my brother mentioned that, I felt disheartened, and my left arm and leg suddenly became paralyzed.

My brother asked me, “Did he wear embroidered clothes?” “Yes,” I said. He asked, “Was there a scarf around his neck?” “Yes,” I said. My brother said he thought he saw his body several times, but had not recognized him. He said the body looked like the body of a young boy, even though Gholami’s face and body were not badly damaged. They had attached a label with the name Mohammad Ewaz to the body. He had severe injuries on his back and head. Shrapnel had gone deep into his head, and his back was very badly damaged.

My brother called me again and said Gholami had been found in the 400-bed hospital but was injured. I told him to stay there, and I would come too, but my brother sternly replied, “No, stay at home; come later.” I was at home, and my other brother, who had his own house, and my sister came to our house. They said my husband was seriously injured and I had to go with them to their house.

When we arrived at my brother’s house, it was calm, and everything seemed different. I was in my brother’s guest room but was feeling restless. I told them someone should look after my children, as I was going to the hospital to see Engineer [Gholami]. They said I should stay at home because my children were too young to be left alone. Finally, I realized with sadness that Gholami had been martyred. My family had bathed martyr Gholami in the Mosalla [congregational mosque] and had taken him to the hill where martyrs of the “Enlightenment Movement” were buried. He had decided to go and take part in the demonstration of the Enlightenment Movement but had not informed me just to make sure I would not be worried. He was tired of the injustices. He had also participated in Tabasom Movement.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

My Eyes Could Not See and My Ears Could Not Hear

Narrator: Mohamad Ali (father)

Victim: Baqer Mohammadi

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

I am the father of martyr Baqir. We hail from Ghazni province, Malestan district, Qol Yakhi village, and belong to the Bassi tribe. Martyr Baqir attended Shindeh High School up to 9th grade. Since the quality of education was low, I advised him to go to Quetta in Pakistan and learn the English language. He agreed that he would go to Pakistan to learn English and Urdu. Pakistan is home to some of our relatives, including one of my sisters. I told him to go there; he could stay with them and carry on with his education. I even told him that when he went to my sister's house, “your food will be ready and your clothes will be washed.” He learned English and Urdu for two years. Another of my sons was in Iran. Baqir had spoken with him on the phone and he told Baqir that he could manage his life, and wanted to go to Iran. His brother agreed. The martyr moved to Iran and lived with his brother for a month. When his brother saw Baqir was not able to carry out heavy work, he felt sorry for him and suggested that he should continue his educational programs. He returned to Pakistan and called me to say he wanted to continue with his plans to study. I told him he had lost focus and would not be able to study well, and that it was better for him to come back to Kabul. He accepted my suggestion and returned home.

For six months, he helped me and his mother with work in farming and livestock. I called one of my friends and told him I wanted to send Baqir to work in Saudi Arabia, so could he lend me some money. They sent me the money and Baqir went to Pakistan, stayed there for a year, and prepared his visa and passport. He went to Saudi Arabia in 2009. In 2013, he performed the Hajj pilgrimage and lived in Saudi Arabia until 2014. Then he called me and said he wanted to come home. I agreed. Back then, we lived in Malestan. I bought a cow to sacrifice in honor of my son coming back home from Saudi Arabia. After the ceremony, I asked him if he would like to start a family. He said, “You can decide on my behalf.” I understood he approved the idea. I started looking for a good girl, and proposed a girl to him, who was from Kamrak in Jaghori district.

I asked him if he consented to choose the girl as his life partner. He went to the area by himself, met the girl, and approved her. We went there to the girl’s family to ask for her hand. After a while, they got engaged. The girl's father told me his daughter was in 9th grade and needed to complete her schooling. I told him we will talk about that at the right time. Twenty days later, I went and talked with my friend, my daughter in-law’s father. I told him, “My son has six months to stay here. He must use this time well, because then he is going back to Saudi Arabia for work.” I told him, “I will transfer my daughter in-law so that she can peacefully go to a school near our home.” Following the conversation, we reached an agreement. Within three months, I prepared all the wedding expenses and brought my son’s bride home.

My son, Haji Baqir, lived with his wife for two and a half months and subsequently returned to Saudi Arabia. In 2015, we moved to Kabul. Baqir traveled to Kabul again. We live in Barchi. He stayed home for six months. During this time, he didn't go out much; he was always at home. Later, he went back to Saudi Arabia. In 2016, Baqir came to Kabul for a six month vacation. He stayed in Kabul for twenty days. One day, he asked me if he and his wife could go on vacation to Malestan. I allowed them to go and they went to Ghazni in a friend's car. They stayed in Malestan for a month. They visited friends and relatives there. God had given him a one-year-old boy. I called him and said that I missed my grandson and it would be good if they returned to Kabul. He would always wake up during prayer time and then go back to sleep after prayer. His mother would wake him up for breakfast and we would have breakfast together. He got his ID card translated into English, verified in court, and submitted it to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. On Wednesday, he handed over his ID card and passport to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to be stamped.

After his martyrdom, I found out that he had told my niece, “Take a picture of me today, I want to post it on Facebook so that all my friends can see it.” He had seen my niece going to the educational center early in the morning. The martyr bid farewell to her and said, "This is our last meeting." My niece was with her friend and thought he said that because his vacation time was over, and maybe he would return to Saudi Arabia. We have a recitation ceremony of the Holy Quran on Fridays. After the ceremony, he went to the mosque to perform Friday prayers. He returned home at 2 pm and said, "Mother, I have not eaten." His mother went to the store, bought eggs, and cooked for him. An hour after lunch, he went to his uncle's house and returned home with his uncle an hour later. My niece had come from Quetta, so they went to my sister's house.

We used to have breakfast at 8:00 a.m. That day, he woke me up early in the morning. When I went to the table, everyone had already had breakfast. I asked how come they had woken up so early and had breakfast. He said he wanted to go out somewhere. His mother asked him whether he would like to have cheese or cream for breakfast. He told his mother that he wanted cheese. His mother was worried and asked him where he was going. He told his mother he wanted to participate in the demonstration, but his mother disagreed. She said he was here for just six more days; there was no need to go to the demonstration. But he did not listen to his mother and said, "Mother, I am not worth more than others and I am advocating for my rights."

Seeing that Baqir would not listen to her, his mother said she would go as well. I intervened and told his mother, "It is hot, you should not go." His mother listened to me and stayed at home. Baqir was with my niece. Before leaving the house, he was wearing a short-sleeved dress. His mother said it would be good for him to change his clothes because it was hot and sunny, and he might be troubled. Baqir went to his room, and after 15 minutes, came out wearing a long-sleeved dress. Before the 23rd July incident, whenever Baqir left the house, we would call him twice a day. He was going to the city, and we would call him once or twice. On the day of the demonstration, neither I nor his mother called him.

At 2 pm, a friend called me and asked about Baqir. He said there was an explosion in Dehmazang and told me to call him soon. I called him but he didn't answer his phone. I called my niece, she said, "uncle, there was an explosion. I got a slight wound, but Haji Baqir is seriously injured and is currently in the emergency room." Hearing that, the world became dark in front of my eyes. I stood up. His mother joined me, and we went out onto the road. It was hot, we got two bottles of mineral water. We got a taxi and I told the driver that my son took part in the demonstration and it is said that there was an explosion and he was injured, but I don't know which hospital he was in. The driver took us to Esteqlal Hospital. Baqir's name was not on the list in Esteqlal Hospital. They told us to go to Ibn-e Sina Hospital. The situation was horrible and the roads were closed. We got there, and the condition of the hospital was terrible. I searched the through list again and again, but I could not find Baqir’s name. My brother, too, searched the list. He may have seen Baqir’s name but he did not tell me.

Then, I saw that the martyrs were laid on the ground because the condition inside the hospital was awful. I went out of the building and I fainted in the yard. My eyes could not see and my ears could not hear. I gave the phone to my niece and told her to answer the phone calls. A few minutes later, she received a call that said Haji Baqir was injured and was in the emergency room. Then I knew for sure that my son Haji was martyred. Baqir's mother was in a terrible condition. My brother told me I should go home and they would find Haji Baqir. We got a taxi and somewhere close to the house, I saw people had gathered. At that moment, I understood that God had taken our son from us. I can't describe that situation; I can only pray to God to not let this happen to any other human being and that nobody may feel the pain of losing a young child. I am not being ungrateful. He came from God. God saw us worthy of this gift for a certain period, but then He took it back from us.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

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On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

He Spoke of a Challenging Childhood

Narrator: Zabihullah (cousin)

Victim: Rajab Hasani

Date of the incident: 23 July 2016

Location of the incident: Dehmazang, Kabul City

The martyr was born in Vatma Village of Khidir District in Daikundi Province. He lost his father when he was a child. Rajab's life was a complete tragedy; he lost his father at the age of 10 or 12 and lived with his mother for a year or two. After a while, his mother remarried and Rajab was left alone with his two sisters. He endured tough living conditions and couldn't attend school due to the lack of financial support. Since childhood, he worked at people's houses, supporting himself and his two sisters with the money he earned.

I remember him sharing the bitter memories of his life with me. He spoke of a challenging childhood. Recalling a specific memory, he said, "It had been three days since we last had bread at home. I had to eat apricot leaves to survive, but I fell severely ill and nearly died." At the age of 16, he traveled to Iran for work and stayed there for about four years. Upon returning, he found his sister married, and eventually, he also got married himself. Due to the difficult economic situation, he moved to Herat. Lacking specific skills, he worked as a laborer, digging wells. He rented a house in Herat and occasionally took up construction work. He had a son and two daughters.

A few days before the incident, he had traveled to Kabul to obtain a copy of his ID card since his previous one had been burned. He stayed in my room in Kabul for a while. One night, he seemed very sad, and when I asked him about the reason, he mentioned feeling on the verge of tears. I comforted him and reminded him that life presents many challenges, but he mustn't lose hope and should continue striving. He confided in me that he often felt a deep sadness in the evening and a sense of loneliness. I inquired about the significance of the ID card to him, and he replied, "Life is unpredictable; one can fall victim to a Taliban suicide attack any day. If a person doesn't have any identification, they will remain unknown, and if they do, some may inform their family, friends, or acquaintances."

It was during the days when preparations were underway for the July 23rd demonstration. I had university exams, which prevented me from participating in the protest. After Rajab received his ID card, he went to Dehmazang. I had heard my friends discussing a large number of people willing to join the demonstration, unaware that a tragic incident was about to unfold in Dehmazang. Rajab was facing financial difficulties and had asked his father-in-law for a loan of 1500 AFN, but they replied that they didn't have the money. He left his phone as collateral with his father-in-law and gave me the SIM card to avoid causing any worries. I inserted the SIM card into my mobile phone.

On the evening of the incident, Rajab didn't return to the room. I had an exam scheduled, but it got canceled as some of my friends weren't feeling well. Before the explosion, Rajab had visited one of his friends. Later that evening, his friend called me asking if Rajab had returned home. I rushed back home, but Rajab wasn't there. At that moment, I received a call informing me that among the belongings of the martyrs, someone had found an ID card and a contact number, along with some other items that belonged to Rajab. I hopped on my bicycle and went to meet the person. They handed me the ID card, but it was in bad condition. Initially, I had no knowledge of the explosion.

The following morning, at 11 o'clock, my uncle called me and asked me to go to Wazir Akbar Khan Hospital. I went to the 400-bed hospital, but Rajab was not among the wounded or the martyrs; the martyrs were unrecognizable. I went to other hospitals as well, but still no sign of him. I resumed my search for Rajab, but for almost a week, I failed to find him. After some time, I revisited the 400-bed hospital where five martyrs were still present. One of them had been severed at the waist, with only two legs remaining. I had seen his leg a few days before the incident, with damaged skin and an injured finger. We had a conversation in the front yard a few days prior, where Rajab said, "Cousin, I've been running around Kabul in search of my ID card, and my feet are wounded." Looking at the wound on the toe, his words echoed in my mind.

Leaving the container, I went to meet a friend named Basir Movahedi. I informed him that the feet belonged to Rajab because of his injured feet and blisters caused by long walks. His right leg was completely burned, and the upper half of his body was missing. When we identified Rajab's feet, we decided to lay him to rest in Tapa-e Shohada (Hill of Martyrs), but his sisters were very restless and requested that we take him to their hometown. I resumed my search for Rajab's upper body, checking all public and private hospitals, as well as the Ministry of Public Health, but there was no trace of Rajab. Almost a month after the incident, I received information from Forensic Medicine that they had received a half-length body from the police. With an inquiry letter in hand, my friends and I went to Forensic Medicine. I identified Rajab's upper body, his face was not too severely damaged. With the help of my friends, we buried him on the Hill of Martyrs.

Rajab's family, consisting of five members, is now without a caretaker. His step-brother, who is 50-years-old and still unmarried, is facing depression, a lack of interest in life, and unemployment, and resides in Herat. Unfortunately, he is unable to provide assistance to the family of the martyr Rajab as he himself requires support. The only support they received was a donation of 50,000 AFN from the Movement; they did not receive the government's honorarium.

Whenever I reflect on Rajab's life and destiny, I am compelled to acknowledge that life was never benevolent toward him. His journey was marred by a tempest of difficulties, spanning from his early years to adulthood. He endured the harshness of life, clinging to the hope that his circumstances would improve, but it was not meant to be. Even in death, he found no respite; his body was tragically severed in half, with his legs laid to rest in one location and his upper body in another.

His wife made tremendous efforts to obtain a registration card from the Ministry of Martyrs and Disabled. She even undertook a journey to Daikundi, hoping for a smoother application process. After completing the necessary procedures in Daikundi, she was instructed to travel to Kabul and visit the local district police department. We also sought assistance from the National Directorate of Security (NDS). Astonishingly, after a month-long endeavor, the NDS informed us that there was no record of a person named Rajab on their list.

The truth, however, is that I personally retrieved one part of Rajab's body from the 400-bed hospital, where his name was duly recorded. After a month, we finally received the other part of his body from forensic medicine, and Rajab's name was registered in both places.

I found myself entangled in a dispute with the NDS office over this matter. I made it clear to them that the local police district and the Kabul police headquarters had already verified the documents affirming Rajab's martyrdom. So why were they attempting to disregard his rightful recognition? Engaging in tireless efforts and leveraging my network, I managed to get in touch with a parliamentarian. He intervened by contacting the NDS, and eventually, they acknowledged the validity of the martyrdom documents. However, Rajab's wife is still awaiting the issuance of the card. I reached out to various organizations that I believed could offer assistance to the martyr’s family. Unfortunately, thus far, our endeavors have not yielded any significant accomplishments.

The family of the martyr currently resides in Herat. Rajab's wife is unemployed. Their main source of support comes from a settlement in Herat known as Martyrs Township, where they have found a place to live. I make every effort to ensure that his children receive an education, but as a student myself, I cannot do much to assist. The martyr used to provide me with great encouragement whenever we met; he treated me like a member of his own family. Despite our financial challenges, the emotional support we offered one another served as a ray of hope in our lives. Rajab was a hardworking, kind, and joyful person. No matter how many problems he faced, a glimmer of hope would bring a smile to his face, and he would momentarily forget his troubles.

I can relate to his family's situation as my father passed away at the age of 35. Rajab made every effort to motivate me to pursue education, emphasizing the importance of improving my life and building a bright future. We were a source of help and support for each other, but unfortunately, God took him away from us. Despite the challenging circumstances, he started a family, hoping that his life would take a turn for the better. He moved his family from Daikundi to Herat in the hopes of improving their living conditions. However, his family is now left without a provider.

I kindly appeal to you and other charitable organizations to remember Rajab's family in your endeavors. They are in great need of both spiritual and material support to ensure that the children of the martyr do not abandon their education due to poverty and can strive towards a promising future.

On July 23, 2016, two suicide bombers denoted their explosives among the protesters at Dehmazang Square in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. The protesters, who were primarily Hazaras, were part of the Enlightenment Movement. They were protesting against the diversion of the TUTAP mega power project which would cause the project to bypass Hazara-dominated areas. At least 84 protesters lost their lives and 260-400 others were injured. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the regional branch of ISIS, took credit for the attack. However, ISKP later refuted their involvement in the attack.

The Enlightenment Movement, also known as Junbesh-e Roshnayie, was a grassroots civil disobedience movement started by Hazaras in Afghanistan in response to a change in the Fichtner GmbH & Co. KG proposed Energy Supply Improvement Investment Program, unofficially called TUTAP project plans. The change in the project plans would cause it to bypass Hazara regions. The move was seen as perpetuating long-standing anti-Hazara discrimination. Throughout 2016 and 2017, the Enlightenment Movement coordinated large-scale demonstrations against discrimination both domestically in Afghanistan and abroad.

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