community than a credible expression of a genuine and wholehearted
commitment to support Afghan women. In fact, at the expense of women's rights
the current Afghan elites play a cynical political game that can be characterized as
an attempt to strike a balance between continuing to receive much-needed
financial support from the international community on the one hand and keeping
the conservative forces of Afghan society happy on the other. In practice, the
demands of extremist elements residing in the presidential palace, particularly
those in the judicial bodies as well as the Afghan Ulema (Religious Scholars)
Council, always outweigh those of the international community.
In these political games, Afghan women's rights activists are mainly absent. Not
only have they not been recognized as relevant actresses in these interactions but
the ruling elite has repeatedly attempted to cause fragmentation among different
women's rights groups, while at times trying to make instrumental use of them as
part of deliberately staged political orchestrations. The insignificant presence of
women in the High Peace Council (HPC) is another proof of this sad reality.
Moreover, Afghan women continue to encounter serious problems as a result of
existing legislation. The legal discussions conducted as part of the legislative
theatre consultations found a variety of Afghan laws, including some articles of
the penal code, to be crime-generating. Besides, the use of highly ambiguous
language such as “moral crimes”, even in judicial proceedings, has led to
widespread violations of women's rights.
Women's unawareness of judicial proceedings as well as a general lack of
transparency and accountability in judicial processes are other factors that have
rendered Afghan women vulnerable in the courts. Finally, a general culture of
impunity widely prevails, leading to growing indifference and apathy towards
frequent human rights violations such as the constant maltreatment and abuse of
women by some senior managers in government agencies as well as in
universities. Today, the sad truth is that flagrant human rights violations can be
raised and investigated only with the political and legal backing of members of
the international community.
Then again, it is worth reminding that female activists and women's rights
organizations also contribute to this situation. They often suffer from weaknesses
such as low analytical capacity, a lack of proper understanding of the allpervasive nature of patriarchy in Afghanistan and a debilitating competition
among different women's groups for money and influence that ultimately
undermine the struggle for women's rights in Afghanistan. What is more, Afghan
women active in the fields of politics and human rights are yet to fully
acknowledge the extent and seriousness of the potential return to power of
different Salafist groups and the Taliban.
Though it is clear that the latter's re-empowerment would jeopardize many recent
positive developments, including the increased recognition of ethnic and
religious minorities, many women leaders disregard this possibility with naive
optimism. For example, when 2009 presidential candidate Shahla Atta was asked
AHRDO
Afghan Women after the Taliban: Will History Repeat Itself?
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